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lain^d and society in early colonial 
santiago de chile, 15 40 - 1575 












I _ain very grateful to all of the persons v/ho have 
made this study possible. I owe special appreciation to 
Milton K. Brown, v^'ho proposed that I take a year's sab- 
batical to finish my class work, and to Richard Lehraan , 
who supported iry continued study and research trip. Of 
course, nothing would have been possible without the 
guidance of Dr. Lyle McAlister. 

I am very grateful also to Joyce R. Miller, v/ho 
has looked after my interests in Gainesville, and to 
Francine Prokoski, who encouraged me to finish. To 
all of these people and ray helpers at the office, .espe- 
cially John Orban and Linda Senft, this dissertation is 
thankfully dedicated. , 

Thomas C. Braman 

Langley, Virginia 
June 5, 19 75 







I. The Indians ............... 1 

Chile'an' Indians (4)— -Notes (27) 

II. The Spaniards ......... 30 

Valdivia and the Conquest (39) --Notes (54) 

III. The Division of Land and Indians. .... 58 
Chilean System (67) ---Notes (31) 

IV. Santiago. ................ 84 

Notes (10 5) 

V. Reice Relations: General 110 

Notes (120) 

VI. Race Relations: Santiago .....-,. 122 
Mestizos in the Aristocracy (155) ---Middle 
Class I-lestizos (165 ) —Indians and Negroes 

(171) Social Change in 1575 (174) -Notes 


VII. Co.nclusion. ............, = . 193 

Notes (201) 

BIBLIOGRAPHY.. .,.....,..,.,.... 20 S 



Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate 
Council of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment 
of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 

SANTIAGO DE CHILE, 1540 - 1575 



June,- 19 75 

Chairman: Lyle N. McAlister 
Major Department; History 

The colonial development of Santiago de Chile from 
1540 to 1575 is described in detail, particularly the 
peculiar love-hate relationship between the Indians and 
the Spaniards, This association, sometimes distinguished 
by outright hostility and cultural animosity and at other 
times by friendship and acculturation, had a great effect 
on the economic, political, 'and social development of the 
colony . 

Chile was the frontier and Santiago v/as its most 
important outpost. The entire area vzas almost the last 
battleground between Spaniard and Indian, and perhaps, 
v/ith the exception of northern Mexico, the last chance 
for the Indians to thwart Spanish aggression. They gave 
their best effort, but in the end succumbed to superior 
Spanish arms and organization. For the Spaniards, the 
hostile environment and poverty led initially to a fight 


for survival and a concentration on subsistence farmingo 
The continuous warfare prevented normal immigration pat- 
terns , and the colony primarily attracted a soldier-im- 
migrant class that arrived in the colony without families 
and bent on adventure „ 

The natural temperament of these soldiers , their 
spirit, and their desire to make the best of a bad situa- 
tion led to many liaisons with Indian women and the 
creation of extensive mestizaje. Because the rigid 
Spanish social structure initially did not exist in the 
colony, the mestizos flourished. There was a great amount 
of social mobility, and a man could achieve fame and status 
even if he had Indian blood in his veins . Females with 
mixed blood did even better than their male counteparts , 
and many were integrated into the highest aristocratic 
level of the colony. As a result of these experiences, 
Chile's social evolutionary process during the period of 
conquest subtly differed in many v/ays from that of its 
colonial neighbors. 


CEi^j;>TER I 

One of tiie great controversies in modern antlTropology 
is over the population of the New World prior to its dis- 
covery by the Europeans. The most realistic estimate, as 
far as my ov-rn data base is concerned, appears to be eipprox- 
imately 90 million as suggested by Dr. Henry Dobyns in 19 66. 
The study conducted by Dr. Dobyns considered projection 
methods, dead reckoning, social structure, reconstruction j, 
additive methods, resource potential estimates, direct ob- 
servation, and a. disease depopulation scale. The conclu- 
sion as far as this study is concerned, is that there were 
approximately 30 million Indians living in the v/est coast 
area of Andean civilization, and about 3 to 6 million more 
in the rest of present day Chile, Uruguay, and Argentina, 
The original Araucanian population has been estimiated as 
being nearly 1.5 million. This figure, therefore, in ad- 
dition to the Andean Indians living north of the Biobio 
River and those .living in the extrem.e south probably totals 
about 4.5 to 5 million in present day Chilean territory. 

There has also been a protracted debate over the num.-- 
ber of Indians living in the Mapocho Valley when Valdivia 
arrived on the scene. Many historians place the figure in 
.the vicinity of 80,000, but others insist on numbers as 
high as tv/o million. The fam.ous Chilean historian, Benjamin 


Vicuna xMackenna, however, does not believe that the area 
could agriculturally support more than 10,000 Indians. The 
priest Miguel de Olivares in his xhi story of Chile agrees 
with this lov7 figure to a certain extent claiming that not 
more than 8,00 v/ere there. In any case, there does not 
seem to be any justifiable evidence for setting the indig- 
eneous population total at more than 10, 000. ^ 

Although there v/ere great population and cultural dif- 
ferences among the various Indian tribes on the west coast 
of South America, their habits and techniques of everyday 
living v;ere basically similar. Most of the tribes, v/ith 
the exception of the urbanized Incas, were primarily food 
gatherers. Agriculture was secondary, and basic crops such 
as corn, manioc, and potatoes only augmented their food 
supply. These foods were supplemented — depending on 
locale and conditions — with sweet potatoes, beans, squash, 
as V7ell as indigeneous fruits such as the avocado and pine- 
apple; whenever possible, fish and game V7ere included.-^ 

In general, Indian technology was rudimentary. Although 
architecturally advanced structures V7ere constructed in Peru, 
such accomplishment required little more than a large and 
docile labor force. Tools and machines for comiplex construc- 
tion were unknown; as V7ere the wheel, and the true arch. 

The political systems of the area varied from anarchism. 
to the highly developed state of the Incas. Intercourse 
witii other tribes, in general, was based on war as defense 

of territory governed relations. In the simpliest form, 
intertribal conflicts consisted of raiding eneitiy villages 
for sacraficial victims, slaves, and women". Sometimes the 
motive was the enslavem^ent of an entire tribe. For the 
Incas, in fact, war was the imperialistic subjugation of 
people and the acquisition of land. In any case, in socie- 
ties that put such a value on the conduct of war, personal 
valor offered the supreme test of manhood, and the bravest 
were rewarded with the highest social standing in the tribe. 

The Indian did not have a money economy and most people 
had no sense of vrorldly gain or worth. The individual ac- 
cumulation of capital had no meaning. Where gold and silver 
were available, they were used only in the arts and not for 
coinage. Barter, therefore, v/as the usual m.eans of exchange, 
and open air markets in the tov/ns v/ere the m.ost common places 
for trading comm.odities , ^ 

The Indians of Chile fit into this general pattern, but 
there were several im>portant differences. The most prominent 
is the fact that the Araucanian Indians in the southern part 
of the country were virtually uncivilized compared to the 
Peruvian Indians. Moreover, while the Spaniards made a 
great effort to use or initiate the Incas into a Hispano- 
Peruvian population, there was really no such opportunity 
in Chile. The Chilean Indians, living in proximity to the 
Spaniards, suffered tremendous population reduction in the 
first years after the Spanish conquest. In Peru, this 

population loss could be replaced initially by docile 
Indians living in the countryside. The Araucanians , how- 
ever, fought the Spanish for every foot of soil; thus • 
forcing the conquerors of Chile to replace the Indian 
losses in conquered territory v/ith mestizos or Indians 
captured and enslaved in the south. 

C hilean Indi ans 
This brings us to a discussion of the Indian population 
of Chile, which was destined to become a part of a new mes- 
tizo society, which evolved distinct from the Indian-vSpanish 
societies in the other V7est coast oo'untries . In order to 
understand the Indian's role in tlriis undertaking, it is 
necessary to know- something about the development of Chilean 
Indian society, its characteristics, and vzhy the civiliza- 
tion would resist, but ultimately succumb to the technolog- 
ical advances brought to the New World by the Spaniards . 

The distinct regions of present-day Chile included di- 
verse races and groups of natives in prehispanic times. The 
major portion of the population, as now, was concentrated in 
the central valley area from, the Chacabuco south of the 
Aconcagua River to the Gulf of Reloncavi. ^ Before the 
Spanish invasion, this part of the country was a vast forest 
broken only by river bottom lands. The m.any tribes scat- 
tered throughout the area formed various groups and took 
their names from geographical localities. The m.ost prominent 
v;ere the Huilliches (people of the south) from Valdivia to 

Reloncavi; and the Pehuenches (people of Peh^aen) between 
the Biobio and Llie Copiap^, The remaining native groups 
were included in the coniraon name of Mapuches , or men of 
the soil. All these Indians lived on the glacier-fed river 
bottom lands from which they had easy access to fishing and 
hunting grounds as well as their limited croplands. ^ 

In addition, to the central valley Indians, there 
were the Chonos , who lived on the Chono archipelago; the 
Patagonians, in Patagonia; and the Fuegians or Tierra del 
Fuego. The Changes and the Atacamians lived in the north 
along the coast or in desert oases. These northern tribes 
in all probability were related to the primitive people of 
Bolivia and northwest Argentina, and only in certain time 

periods had any contact with the tribes of the central 


region. ' 

The Araucanian Indians vT'ere the dominant tribe of the 
southern portion of the central valley area. Many Chilean 
histories depict these Indians as characteristic of Chile's 
pre-conquest Indians. This is misleading, as will be noted 
later- In any case, Spanish contact was maintained v/ith 
the Araucanian civilization for the next 300 years, and 
gradually the Araucanian became accepted as the typical 
pre-conquest Indian, and not as a separate entity. The 
derivation of the name Araucanian, in fact, is probal^ly 
from the Spanish colonists, and referred to all of the 
Indians living south of the Biobio, The v/ord itself m^ay 


be derived from auca , a Peruvian v/ord meaning free, or 
from rag CO (clay water) , an Indian word for the location 
of the first Spanish fort on the Arauco River. 

It is best at this point to concentrate on some des- 
cription of the basic Indian type and life style in the 
Santiago area — the purpose being to develop some com- 
parison v/ith the Spaniards v;ho would eventually inhabit 
the region. In retrospect, in many ways the Indians and 
Spaniards v/ere very similar. The most outstanding dif- 
ferences V7ere in v/eaponry and social organization. The 
Araucanians, certainly among the most primitive tribes in 
the country, however, did demonstrate more adaptability 
than any other South American Indian, and were able to 
withstand capably the Spanish onslought for miany years. 

The Araucanian, of course, is the Chilean Indian most 
studied by modern antliropologists . In physical appearance 
he was of short or medium stature and had well proportioned 
limbs; a well developed chest and body trunk region; a 
large head v/ith a round face and narrow forehead; small 
usually dark eyes; a short, flat, but straight nose; a 
large m.outh with thick lips and white teeth; pronounced 
cheek bones; medium sized ears; dark, thick and smootli 
hair usually v/orn in bangs over the forehead. Their com- 
plexion was brov;n, but did not have the yellow cast of the 
Peruvian Indians. The women v/ere especially attractive. 
According to the Spaniards, their com.plexicns were similar 


to that of southern Europeans. Their undraped breasts were 
also noted by the early conquistadors. Completing the total 
picture was a grave sober raanner that in both sexes showed 
resolution and commanded respect.^ Pedro Valdivia himself 
described the Araucanians as "tall . . . amiable, and v;hite, 
with handsome faces, both men and v/omen ..." also as great 
husbandm.en, and as great drinkers.-'- Years later Alonso 
Gonzales de Najera noted that the Indians v/ere very similar 
in physical appearance to his fellow Spaniards.. 

All in all, these characteristics have been accepted 
as the national native type and probably represent a good 
approximation of the first Chilean natives contacted by the 
Spaniards. H.R.S. Pocock in his book Conques t of Chile, 
however, notes that there v/ere physiological and -personality 
differences between the Araucanians and the Indians origi- 
nally located near Santiago , -'-^ The fact remains, however, 
that all of the Indians spoke the same language and, except 
for the difference in temperment and in fighting quality, 
seem, to be basically the same people. 

The central valley native dressed in light clothing 
made from various colored woolen rags and the skins of 
guanacos , foxes, and other animals. Others dressed in bark 
or woven stravj. In all cases, hov/ever , the Indians' arms, 
legs below the knees, and feet were uncovered. His head 
v/as capped with some animal skin usually crowned with 
feathers, and his face V7as painted in red and black 
streaks . -'-•^ 


The Indians' principal garment, therefore, resembled 
the itiodern poncho and was shaped like a sleeveless shirt. 
It was made of two pieces, one in the front and one in the. 
back. These were fastened together on the sides and on the 
shoulders v;ith wool cords or strips of rawhide. It was 
generally blue in color and called a chamal. It was used 
by both men and v7omen. Later, when woven textiles came 
into common use, the men joined the chamal between the legs 
and drev/ it in at the v/aist. This garment was called a 
chiripa. The women, on the other hand, tightened the chamal 
at the v;aist v/ith a belt or girdle, thus forming an outer 
.skirt;, and v;rapped a full scarf over their shoulders. They 
also adorned their heads, necks, and arms witli necklaces or 
bracelets made of beads, stones, or shells. Some wore metal 
jewelry, but this practice seems to hc'ive varied from place 
to place. Children generally v/ent naked, only vzearing the 
"poncho" when the v/eather was very cold. 

Indian houses v/ere very simple and were probably con- 
structed to serve tJie tei'flporary nature of the Indians ' life 
as V7ell as to protect him against earthquakes. These houses 
were located in sheltered places, in ravines, on 
stream banks, or in the forests. They v;ere constructed of 
a few forked poles or posts planted upright in the ground 
and joined at the top with cross beams, forming either a 
circle or a rectangle. The v^alls v/ere generally m.ade of 
stone or an adobe concoction. The roof was formed by laying 


straw over the sticks of the cerling fraiaew^ork. Finally, a 
wooden fence generally enclosed the compound which the 
Indians called a ruca . ^^ Benjamin Vicuna Mackenna believes 

■that ruca may be the Indian word from v/hich the Spaniards 

derived the term rancho as applied to small farms,- 

This poorly built house was obviously the Indians' most 
important possession. Within it he ate, slept, bred, and 
protected himself from the elements. There was no furni- 
ture, and the bed was simply a heap of straw on the floor 
in the corner. The pillov; v/as either a log or a tree tr^onk. 
A fire was kept burning in the center of the hut because re- 
lighting V7as a major operation. All eating and working was 
done at this fire because it provided the only warmth and 
light. , The extended family ■^- including m.arried children — 
built nev7 houses in the vicinity leading to the creation of 
a village. 

Fev/ foods V7ere cooked by the primitive Indians, but 
ultimately it became customary to boil fish and meat. For 
cooking, clay pots and dishes came into use. Other utensils 
vj-ere simply made of hollowed out tree trunks. The meat and 
fish v/ere put into the clay container with vzater and a few- 
vegetables. Stones were then heated in a fire and when they 
became red hot, they were thrown into the pot and stirred 
with the other contents.-'-^ The most common Indian foods 
were almost by necessity vegetables, roots, wild tubors , 

and beans. Some fruits were also eaten and an alcoholic 

-1 p 
beverage or sorts was concocted and drunk. 


The Indians used a. wooden or bone fishliook for fishing. 
They were able to construct small boats out of bushes, 
vreeds , and straw. Sometimes they hcllov/ed a canoe out of 
a large tree. In general, hov/ever, fishing activities v/ere 
confined to slow moving streams and the ocean shore because 
no complex,, framework boats v/ere ever developed. -^^ 

The boleadoras and the arrow v/ere the most important 
weapons used for hunting. The former -- similar to the 
Argentine bolas — was composed of two or three stones tied 
to the ends of leather strips. The hunter took one of these 
stones in his hand, sv/ung the otfiers over his head, and 
threw it at the legs of his quarry. Arrovrs were fashioned 
from a tv/enty-inches long, slender shaft, and were shot from 
a wooden bow which was strung v;ith a leather thong. The 
size of the bow seems to have varied from tribe to tribe, 
but the Araucanians generally preferred a short one." The 
Indian also carried a lance and a short war club. The do- 
mesticated dog v/as a frequent and useful companion for 
flushing game. The origin of the tic dog in the coun- 
try is still a debatable question, however, and many histo- 

2 1 

nans xnsist that the dog v/as introduced by the Spanish. 

The social structure of the Indians, especially the 
A.raucanaians , was very rudimentary. It consisted of the 
patriarchial family and the tribe, altliough Francisco 

Encina insists that the Chincha-Atacamena^Diaguita civiliza- 


t3-on contained a trace of matriarchy. Relationship was 

the foundation of the family and proximity contributed to. 


the regional life of the tribe. Inxtial contact began with 
a marriage in which -the bride was purchased frora her 
father — ' the price being calculated in animals ^ fruits, or 
merchandise . Each individual man lived with as many women 
as he bought, and was considered married to them all. He 
could buy and sell these wives at will and could designate 
them in these transactions either as a beasts of burden or 
as instruments of pleasure. The object of these polygairious 
relationships was mostly economic, however, rather than 
sexual pleasure. Sons and daughters had to be produced in 
great numbers to assist in agricultural production and de- 

In general, the v;oman's lot in the Indian household 
v/as difficult. She prepared the food and made all of the 
clothing for the family. She followed her husband during 
his military campaigns and carried his v;eapons and pro- 
visions ' — not unlike the camp followers associated v/ith 

the Spanish armies. In addition, she cultivated the 

soil, wove the cloth, and made the clay utensils. The 

husband, regardless of this service, generally treated her 

very badly, and, more often than not, regarded her as no 

better than a slave. This relationship v/as exacerbated 

by the outright appropriation of women during wars. In 

this case the captives were treated simply as concubines. -* 

The family v/as obviously often neglected in this sort 

of situation, and children appear- to have been tolerated 

only as a byproduct of sexual relations. During a boy's in- 
fancy r for example, the fa-her took no notice of him. Only 
when the lad reached the age of puberty was any interest 
taken in teaching the use of v;eapons . When the boy learned 
their use, he v/as considered to be an adult. Daughters were 
ignored altogether . in infancy, but became an important 
source of income when tney were of m.arriageaDle age. 

Most of the Indians v/anted their sons to develop into 
vigorous men. For this reason, they also taught them to 
play adult games after the use of weapons v/as mastered. 
The favorite games required agility such as in handball and 
hockey. In their field hockey, the sides were formed facing 
each other in an open area. The object of the game — like 
modern ice hockey — was to knock a wooden ball with a 
curved -wooden stick through the opposing team and across 
a designated goal. In handball, again a wooden ball was 
used. The object was simply to throw it from one to another 
around a wide circle. In addition to the exercise brought 

about by the participation in the games, friendly and 

sporting comra(ferie was developed by friendly wagers. 

Anotlier byproduct of this vigorous activity v/as the fact 
that cleanliness was considered a function of athletic 
prowess, and the Indians thought that their daily bath would 
preserve strength and health," 

Shifting to political development, the tribal organi- 
zation of the central valley Indians, like their social 


organisation, was elementary. Many families resulting from, 
some cornraon ancestor, but related most strongly by the area 
in which they lived, made up a tribe. This small society, 
as noted before, most often occupied a valley, lived on the 
banks of a river, or in a forest. It was basically a free 
association, hovvever, and recognized no distinct chief ex- 
cept in times of war. In more peaceful times, the father 
of the oldest family or the most respected and courageous 
raan was usually expected to perform some leadership func- 
tion. Pie was called the gulm^en or cacique. Later the 
richest person in the area generally occupied this position. 
In any case, it appears that the post was usually hereditary 
in times of peace, but was relinguished in war especially if 
a better or m.ore courageous were available. ^^ 

Most tribes generally distrusted each other, but fre- 
quently allied together to face a common enemy. This was 
true during the period of the Inca invasions and was espe- 
cially true Vvhen the Spaniards arrived. These federations 
united the Indians for a coiamon cause and such alliances, 
of course, are a classic example of the basic social cohe- 
siveness of all of the Indians . ^0 

In other aspects, the central valley Indians never con- 
stituted a nation with an organized government. Their only 
governmental institutions, in fact, were m.ilitary alliances. 
The meetings called for war discussions always started with 
the caciques of each tribe summoning his tribe together. 

If one diief decided on war, he 'sent an emissary to his 
neighbor, 2\n arrov; stained witli the blood of a guanaco 
served as the messenger's emblem. It V7as then passed from 
tribe to tribe, and the act of proclaiming war 'was called 
" correr de f lech a " (sending around the arrov?) . The next 
step, if the situation appeared to be serious enough, was 
the general asseiribly, which v;as commonly held in a large 
open area. After lengthy speeches from the leadership- 
contending chiefs, one man was chosen as supreme chief for 
the campaign. He was designated the togui^ and was alm.ost 

always the strongest, the most eloquent, or the bravest 


man available. 

None of the central valley Indians shov/ed any great 
propensity for intense physical activity. The Arau.canian 
especially, except for wartime, led a lazy, quiet life. 
In general, the Indian was only moved to a rigorous regimen 
in his religious life when confronted by his many super- 
stitions and omens. His supreme god was Pillan, who v/as 
believed to be the controller of clouds and winds and the 
producejr of thunder, tempest, lightning, and earthquakes, -^ 
The Indians believed in the existence of evil and good gods: 
evil brought about sickness and death; good miade the fields 
produce a bountiful harvest, brought abundance of birds and 
fish, and presided over human joys." * 

They also believed in night-appearing ghosts, and a , 
concept of life after death. Th^ spoke of cho nchones — 
human headed animals vzith v.'inglike ears. These apparitions 

were vair.pires that sucked the blood of the sick. They also 
dreamed of p ihuch enes or winged serpents , Their omens took 
the forjxis of cloud directions and formations, flights of 
birds, and peculiar animal behavior. Such occurrences 
were sufficient to make them suspend a campaign or feast, 
convinced that the happening portended disaster for them. 
With all of these disastrous possibilities, it is no wonder 
that a major portion of their physical activity was taken 
up with religion and war.-^^ 

This mixture of superstitions and om^ens produced a 
pries tliood. The ministers of the various cults served 
both as soothsayers and physicians. The dunguves and the 
machi!'s were tlie most important of this group. -^^ The dunguve 
was the soothsayer who uncovered thieves and solved secret 
crimes. A v/itness , who was present at one such ceremony 
to search for a missing object, implied that the scene 
was a kind of extra sensory perception phenomenon coupled 
with som-e clever ventriloquism. In any case, the lost 
object was soon located. The machx , on the other hand, 
v;as the healer. The Indian had no medical knowledge, and 
believed that illness was punishment by an offended deity 
or injury caused by some unknown evil. The miachi, in ef- 
fect, exorcized the illness or evil not unlike the under- 
takings by the Catholic Church in -the 16th century- and 
the current revival of interest in exorcism in psychiatry . "" 

The cure for such an affliction consisted of a very 
showy ceremony called a mtachitun. The relatives of the 


sic}'- person gathered together \s'"ith him in v^ hut and placed 
him on the floor in the raiddle of a circle. The raachi 
planted a cinnamon tree branch by his pillow. He had a 
gvianaco brought in, quartered it, took out its heart, and 
spx'inkled the branch vrith blood. Following this, he burned 
soirte herbs and filled the room with siuoke . Then he went 
to the patient, pretended to search the part of the body 
where tiie suffering or wound was located, spit red, and 
at a given moment, showed those present a lizard, a spider, 
or some other object — the source of the evil. During 
these ceremonies , the women sang in a mournful voice and 
accompanied their song v/itli a rhythmic noise produced by 

-5 Q 

rattling dried gourds containing small pebbles. 

The Indian language or Mapuche v/as adapted to the 
harangues associated v/ith tribal politicking and poetic 
verses associated with these religious functions because 
of its lyrical style. Thousands of Indian words are in- 
corporated into the modern Chilean language including most 
of the country's geographical namies . There is less to be 
said, hov/ever, of the Indians' artistic productions. He 
did not paint. His stone or wood carvings are t® coarse 
to be ce-illed sculpture, and only a fev/ utilitarian clay 
jars were produced. His miusic was sad and monotonous, 
probably because wood flutes and gourd tambourines v/ere ■ 
all that he had. One captured Spanish soldier was kept 

alive, in fact, simply because he could play the flute so 


It is not too difficult to ■determine the outstanding 
characteristics of the southern central valley Indians, if 
one knows something of their lives, customs, and beliefs. 
Three ad:mirable qualities were outstanding; they were 
brave, loyal, and vigorous. They also had three grave 
faults: they were cruel, superstitious, and drunken. 
They preferred war above all other occupations, but in 
everything else they were incurably lazy. Tribal v/ar, 
in general, and Spanish oppression, in particular, made 
them into a cruel, vengeful people. 

The native Chileans living north of the Biobio be- 
longed only in part to the same race as the Araucanians . 
The so-called Picunches or Mapuches extended to the 
Copiapo and were divided into numerous sub-groups, From^ 
the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries, they suffered 
first the invasion of the Diaguitas , coming from northwest 
Argentina, particularly the present-day provinces of Salta, 
Tucurnan , and Santiago de Estero. This was followed by an 
invasion of the Chinchas from southern Peru; and, finally, 
that of the Quechuas , who at the time of the arrival of 
the Spaniards , formed part of the Inca empire extending 
from Ecuador to Bolivia and Chile, with their capital in 
Cuzco. None of these invasions v/ent farther south than 
the Maipo, From these Indians, hov/ever, came the culture 
of the Chilean natives who inhixbited the north and north 

r- , 41 

center of the country. 


Of the three invaders, the Chinchas were the most pro- 
aressive. They imposed their material civilization and many 
of tlieir beliefs and customs on Chile. They were shepherds, 
agriculturalists, miners, and small industrialists. Their 
most useful domestic animal, the llama, provided wool for 
their clothing. They cultivated potatoes, peas, and corn. 
They distributed water to these crops by using extensive 
irrigation canals. They exploited copper, silver, and 
gold. They manufactured all kinds of articles, and made 
utensils of wood, metal, and clay. They built cities con- 
taining temples and palaces. And, finally, they constructed 
roads and a system of hostelries to m.aintain a postal 
service and carry on trade with the other sections of 

the country. 

The Chinchas were conquered by the Ouechuas , an ag- 
gressive dominating people who appropriated all elements 
of the Chinchas' culture and who, with the ruling Incas , 
formed the most extensive and prosperous state in America. 
Two of these Inca rulers — Inca Pachacuti and his son Topa 

Inca Yupanqui — led an expedition against Chile in 1460 

and conquered the country as far south as the Maule. 

In this territory, they did not find a com.pletely barbarous 
population, but one already semi-civilized by the influence 
of the Chinchas, a condition that had prevailed for more 
than two hundred, years. 

For a long time it V7as thought that the level of ma- 
terial progress at which the Spaniards later found the 

Chilean natives on the northern 'zone v;as because of the ' 
beneficial influence of the Quechuas. According to Luis 
Gal dame s , however, archaeological discoveries some fifteen 
years ago have corrected this opinion, v/hich did not ac- 
count adequately for the native Chilean state of culture. "^-^ 
This is so because the Incan domination had lasted only 
imtil the date of the Alro.agro expedition in 1536, a little 
more than eighty years . 

The Chilean natives continued to develop their culture 
under the rule of the Quechuas. The northern and the cen- 
tral zone of the country were crossed by roads — certainly 
unpretentious in Chile and probably no more than stone 
marked trails. There was a postal system carried on by 
Indians on foot, with inns every fifteen or twenty miles. 
The curacas or governors were engaged in developing the 
prosperity of their hamlets and villages, where the natives 
earned their livelihood, and in encouraging productive ac- 
tivities . ^" 

For cultivating the fields, these natives dug irri- 
gation canals. Among those constructed during the Indian 
epoch and still existing today is the Vitacura Canal, which 
decends from the hills of Salta in the vicinity of Santiago 
and irrigates the neighboring f anus . From the time the 
canals v/ere opened, the crops of squash, corn, beans, and 
potatoes, which were native to trie country, became m-ore 
abundant. Guanaco, vicuna, and llama wool production also 


increased- Clay pot manufacturing, practiced for a long 
time by the natives, now received nev/ impetus. Vases and 
clay pitchers became prime implements in the livelihood of 

the Indians. • 

The most important task, as far as the Incas were con- 
cerned, was the exploitation of gold, silver, and copper 
mines. They concentrated their attention principally on 
gold, however, because this metal made up the tribute that 
was sent to the emperor. Among the gold mining operations, 
the most important was Marga-Marga, near Quillota, Gold 
and silver pins and chains were painstakingly made in 

gypsxxm and clay molds and for^'^arded to the ruling Incas 

m Cuzco. 

The influence of the Chinchas and Quechuas was felt 
also in the intellectual development of the Chilean Indian. 
Idolatry was introduced into his religion, and this factor 
made Christianity more acceptable at a later date, especially 
in regard to reverence for the idol of the Virgin Mary. In 
mathematics, the Indian learned to count to a thousand with- 
out confusing quantities. He also improved his vocabulary 

by adding more discriptive v7ords from the Quecnua language. 

During the fifteenth century and at the beginning of 
the sixteenth, the circumstances of the Chilean Indians im- 
proved considerably. In their towns, in which the population 
substantially increased, family and tribal ties became niore 
closely dravm. The cultivation of nev; land, the development 


of clay pottery, the exploitat.ion of metals, and the use of 
wool clothing provided better living standards. The cooking 
of meat and vegetables became general; corn and potatoes 
served as the principal ingredient of cooked dishes; and, 
in time, the bean became the most common and nutritious 
food. Wool shirts, ponchos, belts, and hair ribbons — v/ith 
which the women braided their hair -■- came into common usage. 
In addition, footwear in the form of leather sandals and hats 
called chupallas were adopted as the native dress. ^*^ 

The advance of Indian civilization, thus, was important 
in the 15th century. The transformation brought about during 
this period of Inca rule cost only the paym^ent of an annual 
tribute to the sovereigns in large stamped blocks of gold; 
with the curacas serving as intermediaries. This was cer- 
tainly a period of peace unknown before Inca rule,^-*- 

At the end of some eighty years of peaceful co-exis- 
tence the Indians of the north and central Chile had vir- 
tually recovered their freedom. At the beginning of the 
sixteenth century, hardly any traces of Inca rule rem.ained. 
Shortly tliereafter the Inca, Huayna Capac, died and a civil 
war for the throne began in Peru between his two sons. Be- 
cause of the war, the Inca garrisons in Chile were depleted 

and the local curacas and caciques became independent. 

The civilization now native to this north-central por- 
tion of the country spread soutliward as a result of contacts 
betvreen the various tribes. Tliis southward progression con- 
tinued -until it made contact witli the Araucanians where it 


inet resistance. In any cuse , despite tlie influence of the 
civilization over the southern tribes , there v/as no unifi- 
cation among them. In fact, there vras a situation in this 
part, of the country where th.e population was increasing and 
material progress was decreasing. Obviously these Indians 
still had not learned enough technology to support a city- 
orxented population. -^~^ 

The situation of the Araucanians to the south of the 
contact point is obviously of special interest to any serious 
student of Chilean history. One can make the initial asses- 
sment,- nevertheless, that these Indians have not substan- 
tially contributed directly to the formation of the Chilean 
race^ but their presence south of the Maule River had a 
profound influence on the political and social developirient 
of the colony . 

The defiance demonstrated by the Araucanians against 
the European invaders for over three centuries stands in 
contrast with, the almost immediate submission of the north- 
ern central valley Indians. Moreover, it appears that the 
Incan invasion late in the fifteenth century was opposed 
and bea.ten back solely by the Araucanians. Valdivia him- 
self commented that he had no difficulty with any of the 
Indians until he crossed the Itata. Later, he said that 
"I have warred with men of many nations, but never have I 

seen such fighting tenacity as is displayed by these In- 
dians, "^4 


The Araucanians were able to resist the Spaniards s-uc- 
cessfully because of an evolution of military tactics and 
weaponry. Araucaniari weapons progressed from sticks, stones, 
and arrows to lances and horse garrotes in the first four 
years of the war. Later captured Spanish horses were uti- 
lized, and ultimately captured cannons and arquebuses were 
turned on the enemy. Of course, the most important element 
remained the Indians' basic, inherent courage.---' 

The Araucanians, not withstanding, it is fairly obvious 
that by the time of the conquest the Indians' social insti- 
tutions had evolved into a fairly viable system, Valdivia, 
himself, noted the strong family ties of the people he en- 
countered and commented on the importance of the family 
dwellings that apparently housed generations of the same 
household. The lov/est unit of native society was still the 
main family and immediate relatives living together and 
grouped around a chief. ^ 6 

The title of cacique or chief was given at this time 
to every head of a household or to any man on whom vromen 
and children were dependent. The wife remained, as in ear- 
lier, her husband's chattel. Women continued to be 
treated as an investment, and it was still their duty to 
bear children, cook, weave, and cultivate the land. 

In agricultural development, the central valley, as 
mentioned before, was under extensive cultivation. The 
natives grew maize, potatoes, and madia ' — an oil yielding 

plant — as well as capsicuia, kidney beans, and chinchona. 
Cultivation was new undertaken by the households in conjunc- 
tion with the other households in the district. ':.?his larger 
social unit was knovm as a cava. Apparently, cavas were 
united by blood ties and ranged in size from thirty to sixty 
men, women, and children. The Spaniards, hov/ever seemingly, 

did not think that the cava was large enough to designate 

as a -cown. 

All of the Indians living in the cava had had collec- 
tive rights on the land. Preliminary tillage and harvesting 
were collective enterprises, and each person in the cava had 
a particular task to perform for the larger community. It 
is certain that the harvest produce was divided among the 
various households. Landlordship , therefore, was heredi- 
tary from the cacique to his famdly as long as the collec- 
tive rights of the cava or lero were observed. Thus, the 
Spaniards after the conquest could inherit property by mar- 
rying into the cacique's family. This phenomenon made the 
implementation of the encomienda system an easier task. 

The next larger unit to the cava (this system should 
not be misconstrued as being rigid in all cases because the 
disintegration of the Inca empire had mostly destroyed the 
governing institutions) was known as a regua. Five to seven 
cavas comprised a regua, which was also known as a lebo by 
the Spaniards. Each lebo or regua was presided over by a 
chief .58 


The unit above the regua was called an uttaitiapo which 
first appeared as a military organization to combat the 
Spaniards. The whole country was apparently divided into 
these uttamapos or vuta ma pu s . which were made up of several 
reguas. Each had its own chief whose office v/as hereditary. 
He could be superceded, however, by an elected commander in of dire emergency. In addition to tiiese division, 
thex-e v/ere four more districts in the south called amapus . 
Each had a chief who spoke at the congresses the Spaniards 
later convened. These divisions were then called Butalma- 

The whole system was held together by the authority of 
the chiefs and the regular meetings of each group. Justice 
and administration as well as the distribution of food were 
undertaken at these gatherings. In addition, feasts and 
dances were held in conjunction with the festivities and 
were presided over by the religious leaders. 

In a sense, therefore, the Indians v/ere participating 
in a familiar ritual at the time of the Spanish take-over 
of the area around Santiago in 1541. In this case, they 
were clearly at a military disadvantage despite superior 
numbers, and Spanish domination appeared inevitable. Al- 
though resentment surely filled the hearts of many of the 
chiefs on this occasion, their later support for the new 
Spanish leadership, their adoption of Christianity, and 
their gift of m.arriageable daughters to the conquerors 


marked the beginning of the end of the distinct Indian race 
and culture. Although years of war would ensue, the paral'- 
lel Spanish and Indian societies v.^ere eventually v;elded — 
as much as possible — into one. 


^H^nry F. Dobyns , "Estimating Aboriginal American 
Population: An Appraisal of Techniques v/ith a New 
Hemi-sphere Estimate," Current Ant hro pology ^ Vol. 7 
(Oct. , 1966) , p. 415. 

2Benjamin Vicuna Mackenna, Historia critica y social 
de la ciudad de Santiago desde su fundecion hasta nuestros 
dias, 1541-1868 (Valparaiso, 1869), p. 16. 

3lda W, Vernon, Pedro de Valdivia, Conquistador of 
Chile (New York, 19697, p. 34. 

4 J . I . Mo 1 ina , Th_e__Geographi cal , Natural, and Civil 
History o f Chile (London, 19G9), Vol. 2, p. 12. 

■5 Jaime Eyzaguirre, Hist oria de Chile ^; ge nesis de la 
naci onalidad (Santiago, 196 5) , p. 27. 

^Luis Galdames , A History of Chile (Nev7 York, 1964), 
p, 6 . 

"^Fi^-ancisco Frias Valenzuela, His toria de Chile 
(Santiago, 1950), pp. 10--14. 

^Horacio Lara, Cro nica de l a Araucan ia (Santiago, 1889), 
Vol. 1, p. 28. 

^Francisco Antonio Encina, His tori a de Chile (Santiago, 
19 44) , Vol. 1, pp. 83-84. 

lOpedro de Valdivia to Emperor Charles V. , September 
25, 1551, reprinted in Pedro de Valdivia, Cartas de 
r elacion de la conquista d e Chil e (Santiago, 19 70), p. 172. 

l^Alonso Gonzalez de Najera, Desenga no y re p aro de la 
guerra del reino de Chile (Santiago, 1971), p. 40. 

l^Hugh R.S, Pocock, The Conquest of Chile (New York, 
1967) , p. 239. 

-'-^Galdairies , op_. cit • /■ PP* 6-8. 

-'-^Enrique C. Eberhardt, Histo ria de Santiago de Chile 
(Santiago, 1916), pp. 196-207\ 



15 . 

Vernon, od. cit. , p. 36. ' 

16 ■ 

Vxcuna Mackenna, Historia criti c a y social de 

Santiago, p . 23 , ■ 

1 7 

•^ 'Galdames , o£. cit. , p. 7 


Francisco Esteve Barba, De^cub xj..ini e^ii t o_ y co nq ui s t a 

de Chile (Barcelona and Buenos Aires", 1946)", p. 139. 

^Galdames , o£_. cit. , p, 7. 


Enema, His tori a de Chile, Vol. 1, pp. 71-72. 


Eberhardt,, o£. cit, pp. 16 7-173. and Galdames , 

0£. cit . , pp. 8-10. 


Enema, Kistoria de Chile, Vol. 3, pp. 33-34. 


Ibid. , Vol. 1, pp. 9 7-9 8. 

^'^Galdarues, op. cit., pp. 8-10. 

25 . 

-'Enema, Hx s to r i a de Cji il_e , Vol. 1, p. 99. 


Ibid. , p. 102. 


Eberhardt, 0£. cit . , pp. 292-296. 


Frias, o£. cit . , pp. 26-27. 


Enema, Hj._storia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 10 3. 

■^'^ Eberhardt, o£. cit . , p. 243. 


Ibid. , pp. 2 4 3-2 44. 

-^ ^ Gal dames , od. cit . , p. 10. 


Jorge Dowlmg, I^]J._gi^on ,_chamanismo_v mitologia 

inapuche s (Santiago, 1973), pp ,~ 40-62". °" ' 

•^'^Encina, Hi_stori_a__de_ChJJ^ Vol, 1, p. 91. See 
also Frias, op. cit.,' p. 21. Totemism or belief in 
inanimate objects was also a form of Indian worship. 


Jose T. Medina, Los abcrigenes de Chile (Santiago, 
19 52), p,. 2 33. 

^^Dowling, op_. cit., pp. 63-112. This is the best 
discription of the activities of the machis and dunguves . 


-^"^Eberhardt , o_£. cit. , p. 256. 

~^Galdames, o£_, ci t . , p. 11. 

■^^Eberhardt J op, cit . , p, 73. 

^^Gonzales de Najera, op . cit . , pp. 57-61. 

^■'-Eyzaguirre , op_. cit . , p. 28. 

4 2 Gal dame s , o£^. cit. , p.- 15. 

'^^Grete Mostny, Cult uras p recoloinb ina s de Chile (New 
York, 1964), pp. 152-153'. 

'^^Eugenia Maguire Ibar, For macion racial chilena y 
fu turas proyecciones (Santiago, 1949), p. 5.. 

^^Galdames, o£_. cit. , p. 15. 

^^Mostny, o]3. cit. , p. 157. 

^"^Galdames, o£, cit. , p. 15. 

^^Ibid. , p. 16. 

4Sibid. ■ -: 

SOibid. , p. 17. 

^llbid. • ■■ 

^ ^Clements R. Markham, The In cas of Peru, (London, . ■ 
1910) ", pp. 95, 198. 

5 3 

Galdames , op. cit . , p. 18. 

-'^Pocock, o£. cit,, pp. 237-238. 

-^~ Enema, Histori a de Chi.le_, Vol. 1, pp. 112-117. 

^°Helen Douglas-Irvine, "The Landholding System of 
Colonial Chile," H ispanic Ame rican Historical Revi ew, 
Vol. 8 (Nov., 1928), p. 452, 

^'^Ibid. , p. 455. 

^SEncina, Histori a de Chile , Vol, 1, pp. 10 4-10 5, 

^^Douglas-Irvine, <y^, cit. , p. 459. 


The first Spanish expedition to Chile was led by Diego 
Almagro in 1535, Almagro was tired of the peaceful life he 
was leading in Peru and his second rank social status to the 
Pizarro farrdly. His longterna dispute v^ith the Pizarros, in 
fact, was settled only after an agreement was reached allow- 
ing the Pizarros to consolidate their holdings in Peru, while 
giving Almagro free reign in the south. Almagro agreed to 
tlie terms of this agreement primarily because he was enth.used 
by tales of wealth in the land of "Chili." Using all the 
money he could gather, he outfitted 50 Spaniards and sev- 
eral thousand auxiliary Indians (yanaconas) for the expedi- 
tion. The group met incredible hardship in the desert area 
of northern Chile, however, and was able to proceed only to 
the vicinity of present-day Aconcagua by 1536. In August 
of that year, the War of Arauco , which was destined to last 
for nearly 300 years, began vrhsn the Mapuche Indians attacked 
Almagro 's band at Reinoguelen, ^ 

Following the fighting, any Indians contacted by Span- 
iards were treated severely. They v/ere chained together, 
beaten, and given little v/ater or food after capture. The 
growing hostility of the natives and the failure to uncover 
any great wealth soon convinced Almagro that Chile V7as not 
a land of plenty. Accordingly, the expedition returned to 



Peru so that Alnagro could press his claim for Cuzco.-^ A 

war ensued bet\%'-een the aggrieved Alraagro faction and Pizarro 
witli the upshot being the capture and execution of Aliaagro 
following his defeat at the battle of Salinas.^ 

Although the ideal Spanish character is eulogized in 
Miguel Olivares ' description of Francisco de Villagra, "just 
in peace, valiant in war, religious with God, pious toward 
the needy, moderate in the use of personal fortune, and con- 
stant in the fact of adversity, ^'^ Almagro ' s character is 
probably more indicative of a typical Spanish conquistador. 
He was a low order noble and, in effect, demonstrated the 
Castilian temperment and mentality of his class. He v/as 
tenacious, brave, arrogant, greedy, and cruel. As in 
Araucanian society, the Spanish placed a premium on machismo 
and valor. The men of his band were also from basically the 
same class and had similar characteristics. 

All of the Spaniards were a product of their homeland 
as it had developed to the 15th century, and of a Gothic- 
Celtic- Iberian-Roman culture that had been transformed to a 
certain extent by the introduction of Arab, Moorish, and 
Jevzish ingredients.^ The incessant turmoil in v/hich Spain 
developed, the warlike and aggressive habits of the Gothic 
element, and tlie difficulty in m-aking a living on most of the 
Spanish people. Of course, their circumstances miade them 
somewhat immune and accustomed to suffering, but at the same 
tim.e added to their natural courage and gave them a special 

32 " 

spirit, of adventure. The frequent plundering by marauding 
invaders accompanied by family uprooting stimulated this 
spirit. As a consequence, the search for adventirce and 
wealth led to the discovezr/ of the New World and became a 
major factor in the psyche of all of the Spanish conquer- 
ors, ' It should be noted here that most of these men came 
from the Castiles, where these aforementioned character- 
istics were emphasized more than in any otlier part of the 
country , ° ■ ' 

Some reference must also be m.ade at this point to the 
inherently "racist" tlieory developed by the Chilean his- 
torian Francisco Encina. In essence, he hypothesizes that 
the basic difference between other southern Europeans and 
Spaniards was the introduction,, during the middle ages,, of 
nordic blood into the peninsula by invading northern tribes, 
particularly the Goths . He continues that the percentage 
of Gothic blood, perhaps as high as 20 percent, was most 
heavily concentrated in the upper class, prince or knightly 
elements of Spanish society. As a consequence, the military- 
adventurers, who expelled the Moors, were probably ethni- 
cally and by nature and temperment part of this Gothic- 
Spanish element. It follov/s , therefore, that it was this 
group that was most likely to produce conquerors ■ of the 
New Vforld, following the peace established on the peninsula 
in 149 2,^ 

This reasoning would tend to indicate that many of the 
conquerors in all areas of the New World v/ere from this 


Gothic- Spanish element. The settlers corning after the 
conquest, however, vfere not representative necessarily of 
this group, and more than likely were from the worker- 
farrr-er lower class element containing the least ajnount of 
Gothic blood. 

In Chile, this process was altered by the continuous 
War of Arauco. The infusion of the Spanish-Gothic soldier 
element was a continuing process; and according to Encina, 
was not adulterated by essentially inferior blood lines. 
Proof of this superior ancestry was the spirit exhibited 
by the Spanish-Gothic-Chileans during the war against the 
Indians. Other evidence was the fact that the interneccine 
struggles, which occurred in the other Spanish colonies, 
did not take place after the founding of Santiago. Encina 
credits this to the Gothic regard for human life regardless 
of the consequences , 10 

Of course, Plncina's thoughts are strictly theory and 
have no empirical basis, especially when viewed in the con- 
text of present-day attitudes toward racism. On the other 
hand, the basic differences in Chilean development when com- 
pared to the other colonies lends some credence to Encina 's 
theories. There is no doubt, whether a non-Chilean believes 
it or not, that the Encina view has been turned through the 
years into a kind of Chilean racism that differentiated 
Chile, at least in the ' eyes of the Chileans, from the other 
Andean countries. 

,'3 4' .;•.,.,.. 

To continue the narrati'/e cf the distinctive features 
of the Spanish conquerors, however, there is no question 
that one of the ir.ost predominant characteristics v;-as their 
loyalty and reverence for their kings. Because the king 
had led them to victory over their enemies and for their 
religion for so long, the people believed these rulers 
could exact the greatest sacrifice for them in return. The 
Crov7n, therefore, became sacred, in medieval view, a repre- 
sentative of God on earth. 

Nothing better distinguished a Spaniard from most 
otJier Europeans, however, than his obsession v/ith religion. 
He saw the hand of God everywhere, even intervening in his 
least important affairs. In his battles, he believed that 
he was being supported by the- Apostle uSaint James, the 
Patron of the army. He imagined James and other saints in 
shining visions, assisting him in battle, and destroying 
all enemies of Catholicism and his country. This religious 
exclusivity m^ade the Spaniard intolerant and fanatical. His 
excessive preoccupation with divine intervention led him to 
believe in many superstitions. He presumed that sorcerers, 
spirits, and demons were responsible for his life.-'-^ Wars, 
pestilence, fam.ine, hunger, and earthquakes, which frequently 
affected his life were com.pelling reasons for these feelings. 
In this regard, his culture had progressed little beyond 
that of the Indiajis he was about to conquer. 

This religious viev7 was fostered predominantly by ig- 
norance. Even when Spain, like other European nations. 


became what could be considered civilized, its cnlture was 
not general; only the higher classes of society — the king, 
nobility, and high clergy — possessed culture and edu- 
cation, and usually only in proportion to tiieir resources. 
For example, of all of Valdivia's companions only Bartolom^ 
Rodrigo Gonzales had attended college, ^-^ The other members 
of the petty nobility were mostly "home-educated." The 
lov/er class representatives, farmers and villagers, lacked 
the most elementary sophistication and education. In gen- 
eral, this situation was probably reflected in the rest of 
Europe, but the Spanish temperment only exacerbated the 

According to Encina, however, it v/ould be a gross error 
to describe the first com.ers to America merely as soldiers. 
They were centainly not members of the higher nobility; 
these only came later as governors. The lower nobility 
(hidalgos) also came at first only in small number, but as 
leaders and drivers of the various expeditions. The major- 
ity, therefore, were from the lower classes and were com- 
pletely uneducated. The spirit of adventure was most de- 
veloped in them, however, because of the hardships endured 
in the homeland and the lack of any outlet there for their 
considerable ambitions and spirit. 

In spite of all of the defects, the Spaniards' culture 
and teclmology were much more advanced than that of the 
Indians. Their physical appearance was also a significant 

contrast to the natives. White skinned — some with red 
hair and light eyes; some v/ith dark hair and dark eyes; 
most witli long beards — they were usually rather stout 
and of vigorous muscular strength. They were also v/ell - 
schooled in horsemanship; well clothed, and well armed. 
The conquerors were necessarily and psychologically av^are 
of their superiority to the unorganized Indian tribes they 

In retrospect, however, the Spanish colonial life style 
more closely resembled its Indian counterpart than many 
Spaniards would care to admit. These conquerors essentially 
lived by the sword and were primarily interested in terri- 
torial and personal aggrandizment. Basically, the Indian 
problem was to be solved by three possible methods: iso- 
lation, elimination, or integration. The Spaniards chose a 
■■combination of the latter two courses. The Indians were to 
be subdued and used as slaves if necessary. VJomen ^^rere to 
be exploited. In other words, the Spanish aim was basically 
the same as a warring Indian tribe. The Spaniards only ra- 
tionale was that he was following this procedure for God and 
country, whereas the Indian v/as interested in individual and 
tribal enrichment. 

The following physical discription of the Spaniard is 
noted only to contrast him with the earlier picture of the 
Indian. It is indicative of a superior social and military 
organization and shows that these men vrere able, after solving 

many problems, to adapt to th.e changing situations and en^- 
vironment of the 'blew World. They v/ere sustained by better 
teciinology than that which was available to the Indians. 
Regardless of this superiority, however, their life style 
in the early days of the colony was little better than that 
of tiie Indians they were conquering. In the end, organi- 
zation was the deciding factor. 

The clothing of the Spaniard was rather simple. It 
consisted only of short pantaloons reaching to the knees, 
where they v/ere tied with a cord; a top coat belted at the 
waist; sandal shaped shoes with leather soles; and sometimes 
wool stockings covering the leg and joined at the knee to 
the pantaloon. Some, better clothed, used a kind of gaiter 
buttoned in front which was called a buskin, and on the 
calves of the legs jarabes of leather, like leggings. The 
head was covered with a casque or steel helmet. It was 
padded on the inside and was fastened with a chin strap. 

Commanders and officers usually had an attached wire cover 

1 7 
to protect their faces. 

Of greater significance than their different physical 
appearance, however, was the difference in their v;eaponry. 
The Spanish soldier used defensive and offensive types de- 
pending on the occasion. The defensive gear v/ere the hel- 
met, the mail coat, and the leather shield. The infantry's 
offensive weapons v/ere the harquebus and the short sword. 
The cavalryman carried a short sv/ord, a lance or pike, and 

a steel covered club. The artillerymen were equipped with 
cannons . -"-^ 

The superiority of the Spanish civilization over the 
Indian was thus shown principally in better and heavier of- 
fensive military equipment. Each Spaniard equaled at least 
100 natives in battle, and that demonstrated superiority 
had consequences other than military as v/ill be noted later. 
The Spaniards brought to the Nev7 World all of their ideas, 
their beliefs, their arts, their customs — in a word, their 
civilization. This together with their military superiority 
triumphed over the natives. Then, their more advanced po- 
litical organization and social discipline were imposed on 
the conquered with equal determination. 

These thoughts aside for a mom.ent, it is best to recall 
that the Spanish conquest and colonization of America was 
essentially an economic venture financed in part by the 
Crown and, in part, by private enterprise. Religious 
idealism and militarism certainly had a role in this en- 
deavor, but basically these v/ere siibordinate to a prim.ary 
quest for precious metals, raw materials, and captive mar- 
kets. The Spanish successes in Mexico and Peru, however, 
did little to prepare them for the poverty and resistance 
they encountered initially in Chile, and this is precisely 
why Chilean colonial development is an interesting field of 

I ta— -^-nf'l ' ^WhU'* ■a'*- 


Valdivia and the Conquest 

The conqueror of Chile, Pedro Valdivi^. was born some- 
time around the year 150 2 in the La Serena district of Spain. 
No one knows for certain what village he came from, but it 
appears quite probable that he was from a good family and 
received a home education well above the average of his 
day. As a matter of fact, according to Luis Galdames, 
Valdivia regarded the men in his company as well as Pizarro 


to be intellectual inferiors. In any case, from the timte 
of his 19th birthday, he followed a m.ilitary career, leaving 
it in 1525 to marry Marina Ortiz de Gaete , For the next ten 
years presumaJDly he led a quiet life of marital bliss in his 
old village. •'- 

In 1535, he left his v/ife and family — never to see 
them again — to travel to the Indies, He spent the fol- 
lowing year in the discovery and conquest of Venezuela. His 
friend and companion during this adventure was Jeronimo de 
Alderete who later became one of his principal followers in 
the expedition to Chile. The Venezuelan interlude, although 
certainly entertaining for Valdivia, gave him little oppor- 
tunity for advancement of personal glory and he welcomed the 
opportunity to join Francisco Pizarro in Peru as quarter- 
master of the airoy. Following his successful performance 


in tiiat duty, he was given a silver mine in Porco and a valu- 
able estate called '"'La Canela" for his services. This lat- 
ter property alone produced an estimated incom.e of about 
$500,000 per year.^^^ 

It was a complete surprise to Pizarro, therefore, when 
Valdivia applied for a commission to undertake an expedi- 
tion to Chile. Valdivia v/as certainly a wealthy man at this 
time and was well av/are of Almagro's utter failure in the 
souths ^^ The point is that Valdivia, apparently unlike 
many of his contemporaries, was more interested in the 
prestige and fame of a successful expedition, than just en- 
riching himself. Many historians believe that he had a 
driving ambition to found and build, but it appears that 
prestige played an important -role in his decision. In any 

case, it is more likely that he came to Chile as a conqueror- 

colonizer than merely a despoiler. 

Pizarro granted him the commission in April 1539, and 
Valdivia immediately began planning for the long trek. It 
proved to be very difficult to raise money for the project, 
however, as no one was interested in financing an expedi- 
tion that appeared to follow its predecessor into failure. 
Even Pizarro v/as reluctant to risk any money from the 
Peruvian treasury. Valdivia' s problems were solved, hov7- 
ever, when a newly arrived Spanish merchant, Francisco 
Martxnez, offered to pay half of the m.oney needed on the 
condition that a partnership be formed, ' 


Upon the scene at this time' appeared Psro Sancho de- 
Hoz, v;ho had just returned to Lima after a four year ab- 
sence. Sancho had squandered his money in the homeland and 
was looking for an opportunity to regain his fortunes. He 
was titled as Governor for the King, and with Pizarro's 
blessing over Valdivia's opposition, becam.e another partner 
for the Chilean expedition. "^^ 

In January 1540, Valdivia finally left Cuzco accom- 
panied by seven Spaniards ■ — 17 others joined him at the 
outskirts of the city; others joined along the road a few 
days later. In addition, he had gathered about a thousand 
yanaconas to serve as porters and camp follpv/ers of one sort 
or another. These Indians were regarded as hardly better 
than animals at the beginning- of the journey and v/ere usu- 
ally referred to as "pieces of service. "^"^ Valdivia was 
also accompanied by his mistress, Ines de Suarez, who was 
the only Spanish woman in the train. ^^ 

The route follov/ed by the band of adventurers v/as that 
traced by Almagro during his retreat. They progressed from 
Cuzco to Tarapaca by way of Arequippa, Moquegua, and Tacna. 
There were very few incidents with the Indians, but the usual 
problems of fatigue, cold, and hunger inhibited rapid ad- 
vance. Francisco Martinez was injured in one incident v/ith 
some marauding Indians and another Spaniard was killed. 
Valdivia then decided that Martinez needed medical atten- 
tion in Cuzco, and dispatched tv/o other Spaniards to return 


with, him to Peru. Thus, of che original 2 4 men, Valdivia 
arrived in Tarapaca with only- twenty. ^ 

The situation changed for the better there, however, 
when Rodrigo de Araya rode into camp with sixteen other 
Spaniards bringing the total complement of thirty-six. 
Not long after^vard, about seventy-five more arrived' with 
Francisco de Villagra — the expedition nov7 in- 
creasing to 111 mien. Once again the group set out, this 

time facing the tractless v/astes of the Atacama desert- 
Impossible as it may seem with a group already facing 
a great ordeal from hostile terrain and natives, Sancho de 
Hoz began plotting against Valdivia to take over the ex- 
pedition for himself. During Valdivia' s absence from camp 
one night, Sancho and his followers began discussing rebel- 
lion among the other troops . Valdivia arrived back the 
next, morning, however, accompanied by Francisco de Aguirre 
and twenty-five Spaniards. This force and Valdivia' s pointed 
effort to ignore the incident ended the intrigue for the pre- 
sent. The. camp now included 137 Spaniards. 

The group next arrived in the Copiapo Valley and was 
immediately set upon by the Indians. The natives of the 
district were following a "scorched earth" policy and des- 
troyed all of their food stores before the Spaniards could 
capture them. They also inflicted a terrible death and in- 
jury toll on the yanaconas who unlike the Spaniards were not 
protected by armor. This was finally the area that Valdivia' s 

commission erapowered him subjugate . and it was hera that the 

ceremonies took place- claiming the land in the name of the 

TV- ■ 3 2 - ^ 


The expedition now increased in size to 150 mien v;ith 
the arrival of Gonzalo de los Rios and his group. (In- 
cluding two knights, twenty-five lesser nobles, 122 sol- 
diers, one Negro, and one v/oman) After remaining in the 
Copiapd Valley for two months, the group pressed southward. 
The Indians fought them all the way — especially Chief 
Michimalongo of the Aconcagua district.. The vastly su- 
perior Spanish armaments proved decisive, however, and in 
early Dgcemhier, the group arrived at the banks of the 
Mapocho River. The conquerors pitched camp at the base of 
a hill they named Santa Lucia and Valdivia named the place 
Santiago de Nueva Estrem.adura. 

The site of the new city was chosen for strategic pur- 
poses. Santa Lucia hill is 635 feet high and offers pro- 
tection as well as serving as an observation post. Moreover, 
the two branches of the Mapocho River form a peninsula with 
the hill in the center, protecting the prom.ontory. Of course, 
the Spaniards could only use the hill as their final refuge 
in battle because their most effective -weapon against the 
Indians -,vas the m.ounted cavalry -- a totally ineffective 
force on a hillside. Thus, Santa Luclfa served primarily as 
a focal point for the valley w^here horsem.en could fight ef- 
feccively. -^^ Once the decision v/as m.ade by Valdivia' to make' '■ 


i ^ . 

the sxte a pennaTient settlement, ix'.es sages were sent to the 

Indians requesting a meeting. "''^ 

The Indian attitude toward all of this activity was 

sullen at best. They had been fighting the Spaniards ever 

I since Valdivia had arrived in their valley. They had been 

^ beaten, however, and fearing the loss of their unharvested 


crops, agreed to meet with the invaders. Valdivia told them 

■that he had been sent by his King to build a city and re- 
, quested their help. The Indians, hiding their real feelings, 
agreed to assist in the project. "Thus, Santiago "was begun 
i . , . as a permanent settlement on February 12, 1541.^^ 

In September;, the Indians having completed miuch of the 
construction in the city and patiently waiting for the har- 
vest-to be -ccm.pleted, finally rebelled. On the' 11th, -they 
stormed the city and fought the Spaniards tooth and nail 
all day. The most conservative accounts estimate that the 
attacking force consisted of betv/een eight and ten thousand 
warriors. Regardless of the estimates, the force v/as so 

^ great that the Spaniards, who expected the onsla-ught, were 



forced to withdraw from their defensive lines to the Plaz-a 
de Armas. As they retreated, the Indians fired the town 
and scattered the domestic animals. In the end, only two 
Spaniards were killed, but m.ost of the- rest suffered som:e 
kind of injury. Ines de Suarez is credited with saving the 
day by ordering several Indian chief captives to be executed, 
..... - and their heads thrown out of tiae strongpoint and into the 

Indian melee. The Indians were panic stricken by the sight 
of their dead leaders and fled. ' ■ • 

Valdivia, V7ho v/as reconnoitering the area near the pre- 
sent seaport town of Concon, arrived back in the city four 
days later to view the still smoking ruins. All of the 
Spajiiards' possessions except their arms, horses, and clothes 
had been destroyed. Ines de Suarez had managed, however, to 
salvage three pigs, a cock and hen, and two handfuls of grain. 
In effect, the Indians had come vrithin a hair-breadth of des- 
troying the colony by direct attack and appeared ready to 
finish the job as soon as possible, -^^ 

Despite the severe Spanish losses, the Indians were in 
no position to follovz up their advantage, and decided to 
witPidraw from tlie immediate area. Villagra and Quiroga 
were dispatched to the Quillota area west of Santiago and 
V7ere able to break up Indian concentrations and prevent an 
irairiediate attack. 

Meanwhile, the city was reconstructed; this time with 
an adobe v;all -- eight feet high and five feet thick — sur- 
rounding the interior nine blocks. The Indians, meanv7hile, 
adopted a guerrilla warfare plan and waited in ambush for 
any Spaniard v/ho wandered too far from the settlement. The 
town's inhabitants were thus reduced to eating herbs and 
bugs while waiting for the cavalry to return v/ith game. 
Most of them also adopted the native dress as there was 
nothing European to replace their vrorn-out clothes. Soon, 


it became very difficult to teli the Indians and Spaniards 
in the city apart by their outward appearance, ^ This sort 
of continued throughout 1542 and lasted until 
Decatnber 1543 v;hen Monroy arrived with a force of 70 men. 
The second Spanish woman to arrive in tiie colony may have 
been on Monroy ' s ship. The first record of a Spanish woman's 
arrival, however, does not occur until 1544 when a Spanish 
woman named Balcazar arrived. It is safe to assume, there- 
fore, that m.ost of the children reported to be in Santiago 

from 1541 to 1544 were either Indians or mestizos. 

Witii the arrival of the 70 men detachment, the Spaniards 
were able to take the initiative and the Indiana were forced 
to withdraw to the south. Valdivia attacked them, at the 
Maipo, destroyed their fortifications, and forced a general 
retreat of more than 150 miles to the southern banks of the 
Maule River. In the north, meanwhile. Chief Michimalongo 
vjas routed in a pitched battle in the Limari Valley and 
Santiago was reasonably secured. 

With the easing of the Indian threat, Valdivia 's atten- 
tion was again returned to the colonial organization. A 
cabildo had been set up as early as March 1541. Despite 
the fact that the little band of Spaniards functioned on a 
war footing vzith military directions from Valdivia, the 
governor felt that the delegation of responsibilities would 
eliminate claims of preferential treatment. He decided that 
he could avoid a great deal of ill will and troiible if all 


disputes were settled bv' the ca-bildo rather than himself. 
Thus, he appointed alcaldes ordinaries, Juart Jufre and 
Francisco Agnirre; councilors-^ Juan Fernandez de Alderete, 
Juan Boh c5h, Francisco de Villagra^ Don Maitxn de Solier, ■ 
Caspar de Villarroel, and JercSnimo de Alderete; majordomo, 
Antonio Zapata; and the procurador, Antonio de Pastrana. 
Valdivia maintained his title as Lieutenant Governor and 
Captain General. Despite the legalistic nature of these 
assicrnitients , none of the appointees had attended college 
and none were accredited lawyers... Later in the colonial 
era, the Crown licensed lav/yers and office holders requiring 
a larrf degree. It was not necessary to have completed a col- 
lege education, however. 

The most important development from a political, "eco- 
nomic, and social standpoint at this tim:e v;as the establish- 
ment: of the caibildo. Basically,, this organization was 
nothing m.cre than the transfer of the ancient Spanish munici- 
■pal tradition to the Mew World. Each organization varied 
from country to country, however, and, in essence, mostly 
reflected the structural interpretation of the governor or 
expedition leader.--^ Cabildo m.eetings in Santiago, in fact, 
were held in Valdivia' s house. u_ntil .the regular m.eeting house 
was constructed. One example of Valdivia' s structual inter- 
pretation was the fact, thEit from 15 50 until 155 7, there 
were three regidores perpetuos in the city instead of the 
usual five by virtue of a prior agreement and arraiigement- ' 

with Valdivia — Diego Garcfa de Caceres, Rodrigo de Quircga, 
and Juan G(5iuez. '* The erosion of the strong position of the 
governor vis-a-vis the cabildo can also be seen following 
Valdivia 's death and the institutionalization of the cabildo. 

In order to become a cabildo member in Santiago, the 
candidate had to be a citizen of the city. The age require- 
ments were a minimum of 2 6 for an alcalde ordinario; 18, for 
a regidor; and 25, for an escribano. Criminals, illegitimate 
sons, members of religious orders, debtors, and recent Chris- 
tian converts were excluded from office. ^ 

Cabildo sessions were of three types: ordinary, extra- 
ordinary, and open. Ordinary sessions took place on fixed 
dates. Extraordinary sessions occurred on special occasions, 
and open meetings were scheduled when the collaboration of 
the citizenry of the whole town was needed to pass important 
legislation, or for discussion of very important matters. 
Elections occurred during the last days of December or the 
first of January. Salaries were paid according to the city's 
ability and according to the job or position. 

In the initial stages of its development in Santiago, 
the open cabildo included all free men. This was later 
modified, however, to include only Spaniards or Hispanicized 
criollos. The distinction was enacted to exclude Indianized 
mestizos and Indians who were not considered to be of equal 

Tke Santiago cabildo evolved into a structure of two 
alcaldes, who were charged with administering justice, and 

six regidores who wrote t±ie municipal regulations . There 
v/ere also several other iraportant functionaries including 
the procurador of the city, vjho represented the people; the 
mayordomo or treasurer, who took meeting notes; the alguacil 
mayor, who was the chief jailer and administeifed punishment; 
and the alfrerez real whose position was mainly symbolic, 
but, generally in Chile, he was in charge of fiestas and 
other ceremonies. The fiel ejecutor supervised prices and 
trade guilds and the alarife directed public works. 

The Santiago cabildo docunients during this early period 
reveal a preoccupation with licensing medical doctors and 
approving their work; concern over the building and location 
of a hospital, decisions regarding fiestas and religious 

holidays,, and settlements of land disputes involving the 

farms m the Santiago area. 

Meanwhile, returning to political developm.ents , Pizarro 
was assassinated in June 1541. When the news of his death- 
reached Santiago, the cabildo was in a quandary. Pizarro 's 
death meant that Valdivia's governing powers had ceased to 
exist because his commission had been issued by the Peruvian 
conqueror. On the other hand, no one in the colony had a 
better claim for a royal appointment than Valdivia and the 
cabildo drev/ up a petition asking that Valdivia be elected 
governor. At first, Valdivia refused because he v/as still 
uncertain of Pizarro 's fate. The will of the open cabildo 
finally prevailed, hovj"ever , and Valdivia accepted the post 


of Governor of the Colony, Aloriso de Monroy vms appointed 
Lieutenant Governor, Jeronimo de Alderete was named treas- 
urer, Francisco de Arteaga was controller, Juan Fernandez 

de Alderete was overseer, and Francisco de Aguirre was named 


comtui s s .1 on e r . 

As noted earlier, this political structure was virtually 
meaningless in a colony with no visible means of support and 
under siege by marauding Indians . Valdivia was in charge of 
virtually every order of business, however, and following 
his military successes, he turned his attention to the 
colony's economy. Indian laborers V7ere put to work in the 
mines and a ship was constructed at Con con .to enable Santiago 
to maintain communications with Lima. The overland route 
between the two cities was secured with the construction of 
a fort at La Serena. 

At the same time, Valdivia was interrupted in his 
economic program by the continuation of the anti-Pizarro 
insurrection in Peru. He journeyed there in 1547 and joined 
with the King's envoy, Pedro de la Gasca, to defeat his 
former sponsor's brother in the Battle of Jaqui jahuana. 
In gratitude, the King officially proclaimed him governor 
of Chile in 1548.^^ 

With Peru pacified, Valdivia was able to secure more 
men and supplies for his colony. Another company of 10 
men was sent to Santiago and tJie conqueror himself returned 
in 1549 along with some women and families. ^2 ^^ Serena, 


v-'hich had again been destroyed by the Indians, was rebiailt 
and communications with Peru vzere secured again. At this 
point, approximately 500 Spaniards populated the colony, 
and the total population of Santiago proper including 
Spaniards, mestizos, and Indians vms probably about 1,000,^-^ 
The vast majority of Spaniards were employed against the 
growing Araucanian threat in the south. By 155 3, the total 
number of Spaniards had risen to 1,000 — this number being 
partially made up of men from the detachment of Don Martin 
de Avendano and Gasper de Villarroel which arrived from 
Peru in November of 1552.^'^ 

It should always be recognized that the majority of 
Spaniards were engaged in the war effort, but some were 
mining for gold or were engaged in raising livestock. At 
this time, Valdivia could look with some satisfaction on 
his accomplishments of conquering the Indians in the Santiago 
area and dividing their labor force among his men. He had 
led successful expeditions into -Araucanian territory and had 
foimded the towns of Imperial, Valdivia, and Villarica. 
There were also forts at Arauco, Tucapel, and Puren. Thus, 
the conquest of all of the country seemed assured. 

This victory was delayed, hov/ever, and later postponed 
indefinitely by renewed Araucanian resistance. In December 
1553, a band of these Indians under the leadership of Lautaro, 
Valdivia' s former groom, destroyed the fort at Tucapel. 
Valdivia marched south to join in the battle, but he was 


aiBbushed, captured, and killed by the Indians. Tiie uprising, 

vxhich had not appeared possible earlier in the year, con- 
tinued and three towns including Concepcxon fell to the ad- 

vancing Indians. The War of Arauco v/as intensifxed, 

Francisco de Villagra, who had become Commander-in-Chief 
in the south, after the nev7s of Valdivia's death reached 
Santiago on 11 January 1554,^^ finally managed to capture 
and kill his chief adversary near Santiago three years later, 
Lautaro's head v/as exhibited on a pike in the plaza for many 
days, but it was a symbolic gesture because his place was 
soon taken by bolder and more capable Indian generals. The 
southern part of the country was reconquered, for the most 
part, during the next several years through the efforts of 
Don Garcxa Hurtado de Mendoza and Captain Alonso de Reinoso, 
who fought against the great Indian Chief Caupolican. ^ ' 

Thus, the Araucanian War, which varied in intensity 
through the years, became a real and present factor in 
Chilean colonial life. Towns were destroyed and were re- 
built. Immigrants arrived and lives were lost. In general, 
however, the Spaniards were able to maintain enough pressure 
on their Indian adversaries for the next forty years to keep 
them off balance. The Spanish action essentially became a 
defensive, holding action. 

It should be mentioned at this point that the War of 
Arauco was not necessarily fought by Spaniards solely against 
Indians. In reality, by this tim.e , the battle lines were 


drawn between Spaniards and their allies — mestizos and 
Indian friends — fighting against the Araucanians and 
their allies — some mestizos, renegade Indians, and 
Spanxsh deserters. ° 

The presence of a strong enemy in the south had a tre- 
mendous effect on colonial life and attitudes, however. The 
most important psychological factor was the sense of mutual 
identity that was created among the Spaniards and their 
mestizo half brothers. Social stability was necessary to 
fight the common enemy and this factor, more than anything, 
led to a mutual feeling of xncipient nationhood. In ad- 
dition, the war absorbed a good portion of the colony's 
early energy and forced the Crown to send naturally aggres- 
sive military men instead of traditional colonizers v/ith 
their families. This soldier class immigration led to a 
vigorous pursuit of economic and territorial expansion to 
support the war effort, changed traditional social patterns, 
and ultimately brought about a social evolution involving 
some mestizos in all facets of society. 


1 . . 

Medxnar Los aborigeiies de Chiles p. 7. Chili is 

tiie Quechua word meaning ''better than something." 

•J ■ 

Alonso de Gongora Marmolejo, Historia d e Chile desde 

el descubrimiento hasta el ano 15 75 (Santiago, 1852), 
pp.. 30-3 7, See also Encina, His tori a de Chile , Vol. 1, 
p. 40 8. 

■^Vernon, og_- cit. , p. 41, 

4 . . 

Frias , og_. cit . , pp. 55-56. 


Miguel de Olivares , His toria rail itar, civ il y sagrada 

de Chile (Santiago, 1864) / p. 213, 


Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 385. 

"^Ibid . , Vol. 3, pp. 23-2 7. 


Maguire Ibar, o£. cit . , p. 7. 
^Encina, Histori a de Chile, Vol, 3, p. 523. 
^^ Ibid . , Vol. 3, pp. 23-34. 

Eberhardt, o£_. cit., pp. 42-44, 

12 . . . 

Encina, Histo ria de Chile, Vol, 1, p, 388. Valdivia 

himself spoke of religious and saintly assistance, 


Alejandro Fuenzalida Grandon, Historia del d esarroll a 

intelectual de C hile , 1541-1810 (Santiago, 19 3) , pp. 375- 
376. See also Jaiues Lockhart, Me n of Cajamarca (Austin, 
1972), p. 112. Twenty percent of the conquerors of Chile 
were functioning literates. The rest could sign their 
names. Only nine percent were illiterate. 

■'■Encina, Historia de Ch ile, Vol. 1, pp. 386-387. 


Galdames , og_. cit . , pp. 34-35, 

•^"Encina, Historia de Chile , Vol, 1, p. 39 2. 


Galdames, o£_. cit . , p. 35. 



■^^Encina, Historia "de Chile , Vol. 1, p, 176. Vernon, 
op . ci t . , pp. 17-18, ' ■ '" 

2 "^ Gal dames ; o£. cit. . , p. 37. 

Gongora Marmolejo, op. cit. , pp. 36-40. 

9 9 / . 

■^'^Crecente Errazuriz, Historxa de Chile : Pedro de 
Valdivia (Santiago, 1911-1912) /Vol. 1, pT" 4 . 

^^Biego Barros Arana, O rigen e s de Chile (Santiago, 
1934) , Vol. 1, p. 209. 

Alvaro Jar a, Guerra y sociedad en Chil e: L a 
trans formaci on d e la^ guerra ___de Arau co y la escJaviTud de 
los indies (Santiago, 1971), p. 20.' See also Eugene H, 
Korth , Spanish Policy in Colonial Chile: the Struggle for 
Social Justice (Stanford, 1968) , 'p. 24. 

9 S 

'^-'Vernon, op_, cit. , p. 43. 

^^ Ibid . , pp. 44-45. 

^ 'Declaracion de Pedro de Miranda in Jose T. Medina, 
Coleccidn de documentos ineditos par a la historia de Chile 
desde el viaje de Magall an es has'ta la bat alla de Ilaipo , 
1518-1818 (Santiago, 1888-1902), Vol. 16," p. 2127 

^^Vernon, op_. cit. , pp. 2 6-2 7. There is ample evidence 
that Valdivia 's marriage to Dona Marina was unhappy. Fie 
had, at tliis time, been married to her for ten years and 
there were no children. Dona Marina has been characterized . 
as being quite colorless; so there is reason to believe that 
Valdivia became infatuated with Dona In^s , perhaps in 
Venezuela. Dona Ines did not meet Valdivia in Peru until 
her husband died. 


Ibid., 52-54. 

-^'-'Errazuriz, Historia de Chil e: Pedro de Valdivia , 
Vol. 1, p. 60. 

■^-'-Vernon, op_. cit . , pp. 56-64. 

"39 /* . 

■^''Errazuriz, Hrstoria de Chile: Pedro d e Valdivia , 
Vol. 1, p. 130. 

^^Ibid. , p. 14 7. 


■^'^Eberhardt, op_. cit. , p. 112. 

•^-*Gongoro Marmolejo, C3£. cit . , p, 43, 

•^^Vernon, o£, cit., pp, le^-lS . 


■^'Vernon, op, cit, , pp. 56-5 7. 


Frias , op. cit . , pp. 53-65. 
■^^Eberhardt, o£. cit. , p. 74. 
^°Ibid. , p. 119. 

^-^Encxna, H xstoria de Chile, Vol. 1, p. 19 7. 

42 • 

Fuenzalida Grandon, H istoria del des arrolla 

intelectual de Chi le, 1541-1810, pp. 375^=l~2"cr: 

■^^Eberhardt, o£_, cit. , p. 115. 

^^Encina, Historia de Chile, Vol. 2, pp. 266-267. 

^ Julio Alemparte, El cabildo en Chile " colon ial 
(Santiago, 19 40), pp. 6 7=^71^ — _— ~ 

^^Ibid. , pp. 72-86. 

^'^Encina, Historia de Chi le, Vol. 2, p. 267. 

^^Ibid. , pp. 267-268. 

^Ibid. , pp. 269-272. See also the Libro Becerro de 
cabildo de Santiago, Actas de 1541 a 1557 . In the 
Biblioteca Nacional. 

5°Alemparte, o£. cit., pp. 52-61. See also Medina, 
Documentos ineditos , Vol. 8, pp. 69-70. 

^Iprias, op. cit . , pp. 67-68. 


•^'^Eberhardt, o£. cit . , p. 113. 

^^Ibid. , p. 111. 

'^Tomas Thayer Ojeda, Los_ conquistadores de Chile 
(Santiago 1908-1910), Vol. 2, p. 36. See als^llgur^ in 
Barros Arana, op_. cit. , Vol. 1, p. 117. 

^^Crecente Err az uriz , \ His toria de C hile sin 
gobernador, 15 54-1557 (Santiago, 19 12) , pp. 406-426. 

57 " 

^^Eberhardt, op. cit . , p. 146. 

-^ Frias, o£. cit_. , p. 7.1 and 219. 
^^Encina, His tori a de Chile, Vol. 2. p. 189. 
^^Ibid, , Vol. 1, p. 411. 
^^Ibid. , Vol. 2, p. 191. 


James Lockhart contends that the Spanish colonial per- 
iod's contribution to pre-Columbian America can be described 
briefly as the contents of tv/o complementary master insti- 
tutions, the Spanish city and the great estate. While 
neither city structure nor the evolution of the great es- 
tate have been explored in great detail, more is known about 
the city because of its continuity of location, property and 
governmental records, and function. 

European civilization- in fact, manifested itself most 
apparently in the towns where the Spanish population was 
concentrated. Santiago, by far the largest urban center in 
Chile, had a European population that fluctuated between the 
original 150 in 1541 to about 500 by the turn of the cen- 
tury. This group theoretically v/as divided into three cat- 
egories from 1541 on — encom.enderos , moradores , and tran- 
sients. In fact, however, there v/ere not enough Spaniards 
in the early years to develop this stratification to any 
great extent. The first two categories were alv/ays called 
vecinos or citizens. The transient group of soldiers sim- 
ply did not settle in one location long enough to qualify 
for citizenship. 

The right of citizenship in a locale following the 
conquest was, nevertheless, easy to obtain. If a man 


deraonstrated good habits and had a proper occupation, he 
coi4ld apply for a lot (solar) which following authorization, 
he had to enclose and build a house within a fixed time 
period. After these provisions were complied with, he also 
had the use of the coiranons or dehesa. He vzas then eligible 
for elected office and was subject to the town's ordinances. 

Valdivia apparently overlooked the fact that many 
people did not petition for residency and in 1552, denied a 
petition from the procurador of Santi.ago that cited the un- 
lav/ful residence of several people in the city. The gov- 
ernor was probably motivated to do this because of his con- 
stant fear that rumors of Chile's poverty would lead to a 
mass exodus and inhibit immigration. In fact, at first he 
refused to allow any Spaniard to leave the country for any 
reason. ^ 

The towns, therefore, becam.e the strong points of the 
Chilean colonial system. In each, the vecinos comprised a 
local guard or garrison for the city ' s protection. They 
also had the responsibility of defending neighboring 
friendly Indians and safeguarding territory that had theo- 
retically been fully liberated. In order to facilitate 
this responsibility, they m.aintained rural fortifications 
which served as strong-points during skirmishes with the 

In Santiago, the little city garden plots of the 
vecinos soon proved to be insufficient for raising adequate 


crops. T-v/o sets of new lands were then laid out: one ■ 
having a frontage on the south side of the Canada, as one 
of rfie main channels of the Mapocho River; the other across 
the main channel of the Mapocho on the north side. These 
chacra s or farms ran back from the rivers in long strips 
with the rearward extension largely undefined. Eventually, 
the haphazard nature of the border definitions of these 
holdings led to many disputes that had to be arbitrated by 
the c.abildo office. 

Initially, these chacras provided enough food for the 
town. As the population increased, however, more food and 
goods were needed not only for sustenance, but also to pro- 
vide some means of exchange at the city market. More land 
had to be put into production, therefore,- and the acquisi- 
tion of land to produce food and goods became increasingly 
important. Because mining production was of relatively 
■little value in the count.ry, ownership of land or control 
of a labor force became the means for individuals to in- 
crease their fortunes and status in the colony. 

The division of territory and the Indian work force 
beyond the limits of the city of Santiago then became of 
priiaary importance. Valdivia drew up the first partitions 
in January 1544. The land from Aconcagua to the Biobxo 
River was divided into sixty portions. Valdivia 's own sec- 
tion was located between Valparaxso and Qsillota and con- 
tained the mines of Marga-Marga. In July 1544, these 


concessions were modified and the nuinber of allotments were 
reduced to tliirty-two. The reason for this was that the 
number of Indians living in the granted areas in 1541 had 
dimi.nished during the following three years because of 
disease and flight to the Indian-controlled south. 

Valdivia, according to his Governor's commission of 
1548 and his earlier predilection and assumed authority, 
made two types of grants to his compatriots. The first, as 
noted before, were sites for houses and farms in or near 
the cities. The second was the distribution of enco- 
miendas — essentially Indians — in the larger territorial 
area that was being pacified. The distribution of these 
encoraiendas , however, was impeded initially by the fighting 
in the Santiago area and the fact that the local Indians 
•were already serving as Indian allies or as cargo carriers 
against the enemy Indians. 

Under his encomienda distribution authority, Valdivia 
had the right to "'commend" (encom.endar) to the conquerors 
the Indians located in vaguely defined areas. The governor 
was very careful in his apportionment, however, to make the 
Spanish grants align closely v;ith the Indians' own tribal 
jurisdictions. The whole process, therefore, essentially 
the institutionalization of Spanish senorialism in Chile 
a.nd many of the Indians henceforth became vassals to the 
encomenderos , 

At best described by Francisco Encina, no historian 
can look at the legislative acts pertaining to the 


encornienda system and really understand v/iiat it was all 
about. "^ The system evolved differently from colony to 
colony and, in reality, was v/hat the local encomenderos 
wanted it to be. According to the original terms, however, 
all of the encomenderos had certain public obligations. 
Among these v;ere the keeping of a horse and arms in prep- 
aration for military'- service. Sometimes this duty vj-as spe- 
cific such as the maintenance of a distinct fort. This 
becam.e a particular arduous duty for the citizenry in 
Santiago because of the incessant warfare. On more than 
one occasion, vecinos protested against their liability to 
serve in the army and fight against the Indians in the 
south. Eventually, their protests were alleviated by the 
recruitment of professional Spanish and mestizo soldiers 


to conduct the war. 

It should be noted that wealthy encomenderos, particu- 
larly those possessing gold mines, could buy their way out 


of their military obligation. Most encomenderos, although 

certainly interested in their own welfare, genuinely felt 
that their duty was to complete their military contract v/ith 
the King. Alvaro Jara, in fact, describes the m.ajor differ- 
ence between the Indian and Spanish armies as the fact that 
the latter was created by a contract betv/een the individual 
and the Crovm. The Indian, on the other hand, had no such 
vassalage agreement with a centralized higher authority. 
His position was as a result of his relationship with his 


local chief, and the fact that he and his tribe were "ac- 

cidentially" in the path of the aggressors. 

Each encomendero in Chile was also obliged to maintain 
roads and bridges v;ithin the limits of his encomienda. This 
function appears to make the territorial demarcation of the 
encomienda there more meaningful and somewhat different from 
the primarily labor division typical of encomiendas in 
other colonies . 

Another duty related to the missionary side of coloni- 
zation. Every encomendero was obligated to teach religion 
to his charges. In the Chilean case, the natives were dis- 
tributed into religious territories called doctrinas vrhich 
were presided over by a priest. Although this situation 
evolved slowly in Chile, by 15 85, there were twenty-four 
doctrinas in the Santiago district. 

The final condition of the grants was the established 
method of colonization. It stipulated that the principal 
Indian caciques should maintain their wives and children 
as well as the other Indians that served them. This , in 
effect, was the Spaniards? attempt to adopt the native 
system of control described earlier into their own system. 
The chiefs were to be apportioned to the encomenderos , and, 
thus, the fealty of these Indians would be transferred from 
the Indians to the Spanish overlords. An elaborate ceremony 
usually accom.panied the loyalty oath and it v7as 
sealed by the marriage of the encomendero to the principal 

64 ■ 

chief's daughter. Thus, the kinship group often became the 
common unit in_ the distribution of the Chilean natives among 

the Spaniards. " 

The encomendero maintained his residence primarily in 
the city. He m,ade periodic visits to the area of his enco- 
mienda, however, where he either temporarily occupied the 
village chieftain's house or had a country house constructed 
for his own use- Typically, several of the encomendero ' s . 
lieutenants or most trusted workers lived full tim.e with 
the Indians as foremen or stock workers. Later, this class 

of Spaniards or mestizos evolved into the e stanciero class 

associated with the great landed estates or estancia s. 

For the Indians' part, they were bound to render cer- 
tain services to the Spanish' lords. They were obliged to 
plant and care for a certain aniount of crops, provide fire- 
wood, tend cattle, and perform personal duties for their 
masters. The Indians, however, did retain the right to 
unmolested occupation of their lands. In fact, tribal 
leadership and membership v/ere maintained by the Spaniards 
by distributing Indian foodstuffs only through the office 
of the tribal chief. The chief, therefore, functioned as 
the Spaniards' Indian agent . "^ Other duties performed for 
the Spaniards by the Indians were, at first, so undefined 
that many abuses occurred within the system. In 1537, 
however, a set of regulations v/as authorized v/hich condi- 
tioned Indian labor, especially work in the mines. These 


regulations were modified from time to time, but generally 
stated that yearly v7ork in the mines began on February 1 
and ended on Septairber 30, They also said that only resi- 
dents of a specific area v/ere allov/ed to v/ork the nines and 
set the work day as beginning a half an hour before susEup- ■ 
and ending a half an hour after sunset. Religious instruc- 
tion V7a3 to be regulated and controlled by the resident 

^ 15 


Despite the protective legal tone of these regulations 
and others, the Indians were still subjected to strict 

treatment. For instance, following rumors of an Indian 

/* ■ 
rebellion in May 1549, Alcalde Juan Gomez of Santiago 

ordered the encomenderos in the district to torture or 

burn any Indian suspected of -being involved in dissident 

activity. As of 155 3, any Indian mine worker caught 

concealing gold nuggets was to be whipped and have his nose 

and ears cut off. The most agonxzmg torture for the 

poor Indian was the practice of "disjointing," which con- 
sisted of cutting the foot a little bit above the toe joint 

1 8 

to prevent flight. The basic inequality of colonial law 

is graphically shown in the various punishm.ents for blas- 
phemy — for the accused Spaniard, 30 days in jail and a 
40 peso fine; for the Indian, 50 lashes in the public 

Although the system was clearly designed to harness 
the native work force, by any means possible, to benefit 


the encomendero, the Indian did receive some advantages in 

Chile, One exainple is the fact that in 1567, there were 
about 150,000 sheep in the vicinity of Santiago, and enco- 
inienda Indians had personal ownership of 50,0,00 of them. 
Encomienda Indians in other parts of the country also owned 

livestock and could sell them for their own benefit at fair 

market value. 

There is no doubt, however, that overall the enco- 
mienda system — especially forced work in the mines — 
was a tremendous burden on the Indians. Hernando de 
Santillan, in studying the abuses of the system in 1557, 
noted that m.any Indian women preferred to have their chil- 
dren die rather than see them seized later for service in 

21 •■ 

the mines. Santillan v;as directed by the Crown to go to 

Chile and get a first hand view of the situation, because 
the King alv/ays feared that the destruction of the native 
work force v/ould ultimately destroy the colonial system. 
In 1559, therefore, Santillan formulated some new regula- 
tions designed to reduce the amount of work done by the 
encomienda Indians and protect them from the abuses of the 
system. Among other things, these regulations authorized 


payment for services rendered. This m.easure v/as opposed 
by the encomenderos , however, and v/as only half-heartedly 
enforced. The major problem, with reform was the fact that 
a long and difficult v/ar was going on in the south against 
the Indians. The Spaniards, who had lost sons or friends 


in the fighting, were opposed to assistance of any kind to 
the native population. Ironically, had the Indians suc- 
curabed after a brief fight, reform laeasures may have been 
more popular. Thus, this measure merely became tb.e first 
of many attempts during the colonial era to correct the 
abuses of the encomienda system.--^ 

Some apologists for the encomienda system insist that 
its implementation was the salvation of the Indians. One 
Indian detractor said, for instance, that without some 
orderly system, the Indians would simply eat their work 
animals and not produce food. There was some historical 
basis for this phenomenon, because it apparently occurred 
when the Chilean Indians were freed from Incan bondage and 
returned to their old food gathering methods. Thus, the 
encomendero was merely providing a civilized service by 
teaching the Indians animal husbandry and agricultural 

Chilean Syste m 
Valdivia's Chilean encomienda distribution plan cer- 
tainly showed more foresight than many other colonial gov- 
ernors and enabled his colony to escape the civil war epi- 
sode endured in Peru. Of the original 15Q members of his 
expedition, he named 132 as encomenderos . Of the other IS, 
merely 12 percent of the total force, two left the country, 
and the others either v/ere killed by the Indians or died 
soon after their arrival, ^^ Thus, tlie number of potential 


dissidents was very low, and there was little plotting 

against Valdivia's leadership. Moreover, all of the ori- 
ginal band had started the invasion on almost the same 
economic and social footing and, with only a few exceptions, 
there appears to have been little social antagonism among 
the group. The later reduction of the original sixty 
encomienda grants in tlie Santiago area to thirty-two, 
however, did cause somev/hat of a problem for the governor. 
The promise of new lands and Indians in the south dissipated 
the hostility enough to prevent any long lived antagonism 
directed against the governor. " 

The change from Indian to Spanish control through the 
encomienda system was facilitated by the fact that the 
Indians under Inca domination were already held in a type 
of vassalage. The Mapocho Valley Indians, who were culti- 
vating the land in the Santiago area, were known as mitamaes 

or vassals of the Inca. In fact, the Peruvian yanaconas 

differentiated themselves from^ the Chilean Indians by re- 
ferring to them as mitamaes in derogatory fashion. Thus, 
the Indians, in effect;, were simply exchanging one lord 
for another with the arrival of the Spaniards. 

In most cases, the Spanish encomienda grants were sim- 
ilar in Chile to their antecedents in Mexico and Peru. 
While the encomienda that provided the Indian's service was 
the most comirion type, there are clearly documented instances 
in which the encomienda v;as a territoral grant and v/as 


specifically denoted as "consisting of the Indians and their 
land." This situation was possible only v/hen there were 
clusters or permanently located Indians in a specific area. 
Ines de Suarez occupied one such encomienda as did Juan 
Bautista de Pastene, Francisco Martinez, Gonzalo de los 
Rios, and Francisco Hernandez Gallego. In each case, 
Valdivia defined the particular Indian settlement and its 
boundaries as the encomienda. ^^ For instance, one such 
directive defines as the grant "la raitad de los valles de 
la Ligua i del Papudo, con todos sus caciques . "-^^ Another 
example is "y mas el cacique llamado Apoquindo, con todos 
sus principales e indios sujetos, que tienen su asiento en 
este valle de Mapocho y daseos su tierra e indios, para que 
OS sirvais de todos ellos.""^"^ Such encoisiendas formed large 
estates of rural property and obviously v?ere much sought 
after rewards for personal service to the Governor and 
King.. Many soldiers and others not necessarily qualified 
to receive encomiendas under the original rules were recom- 
pensed for their service with these estates. In any case, 
the granting of Indian labor in a predoisinantly agricul- 
tural environment was not worth m.uch more than the land they 
inhabited. Agricultural labor v/ithout land and crops would 
be an impossible situation. 

All land grants were eventually distributed by the 
local cabildo, and encomiendas were generally authorized 
only by the Governor. Thus, in theory, the distribution of 


land and Indians bureaucratically rested with two different 
agencies. Following Valdivia's death, however, the cabildo 
did authorize tlie grant of several encoraiendas . The cabildo 
record — the Libro Becerro — following the cabildo 's legi- 
timate authority divided property into the categories of 
vacino lots, chacras , and estancias and these grants were 
distributed as the cabildo saw fit.^^ 

There has been a long drawn out controversy among Latin 
American scholars over the link between the encomienda and 
landholding, Silvio Zavala has shown in his study of the 
encomienda system that the original encomienda of the 
Antilles was a grant of the right to use labor, with no 
link to royal tribute in fact or theory. Tribute was later 
extended to labor use follov;ing a long legislative and 
administrative campaign by the Crown which also restricted 
the encomandero's rights to tribute alone. ^^ 

According to Lockhart, there are two strands of in- 
stitutional development involved in the evolution of the 
encomienda. The first was the "encomienda'' created by 
high officials which basically was a concession to collect 
and enjoy the king's tribute. The other was a locally in- 
spired "repartimiento" which v/as essentially concerned with 
dividing the Indians into labor groups. The latter arrange- 
ment and the term "repartimiento" became the official usage 
to designate the actual area. of the grant. What was as- 
signed to the encomendero, hov/ever, was Indians and not 

X. -1- . 34 
tribute. "^^ 

-71 ' 

There is no question that many of the encomenderos 
acted like property owners and took advantage of lAeir 
status as justification for receiving grants of la.nd in 
the area of their encoinienda. Mario Gongora in his study 
of the evolution of property in the Valley of Puangue shows 
how the Chilean encomenderos used their position to receive 
land grants (mercedes) v;itliin the limits of their enco-- 
miendas and prevented concessions to others in the area. 
In fact, the families of the greatest encomendero in a 
particular area usually built a hacienda near the center 
of the encomienda grant and maintained the best land as 
their property . 

Lockhart takes this example further by explaining how 
the living styles of the encomenderos and hacendados were 
similar. Moreover, both possessed in practice some juris- 
diction over their Indians which v/as exercised paternalis- 
tically. He concludes that the two institutions — enco- 
mienda and hacienda — served the aristocracy in similar 
fashion by essentially perpetuating its control over the 
lower classes. -^^ 

Robert Keith takes the institutional relationship for- 
ward by describing their structural continuities. For 
Keith the institution of the encomienda is not just a group 
of Indians, but the encomendero with his dependents as well 
as the property belonging to both the Indians and the 
Spaniard. In addition, it is the complex set of 


relationships tying; these people together and connecting 
them to the larger society outside of the encomienda. 

The most important part of the encomienda relation- 
ship to external society was its evolution from the early 
system to the creation of landed estates. Keith argues 
that the Crown's intervention in the institutional aspects 
of the system on the side of the natives prevented the dis- 
appearance of Indian society. By taking advantage of the 
weakness of the encom.endero class, the Crov/n was able to 
reform the encomienda, separating the traditional from the 
capitalistic elements , and insuring the dominance of the 
traditional in a remodeled institution, the corregimiento. 
As a result, the Indian communities were able to reorganize 
and, while the Spaniards were free to organize their 
own estates as capitalistic institutions largely independent 


of Indian society. 

In Chile, however, this situation evolved somewhat 
differently because Indian society v;as virtually eliminated 
in the Santiago area as a result of the wars, rapid Indian 
depopulation, and the creation of mestizaje which filled 
the population void. The new mestizo class had an easier 
time being accepted into Spanish society and the capital" 
istic environment of the hacienda. Thus, the original po- 
litical and institutional strength of the encom.endero class 
in Chile; their early realization that land was wealth; 
and the destruction of pure Indian society facilitated the 

73 ■ 

evolution of the encomienda system to the landed estates so 

prominent in later colonial histoiry- 

The estancias or large farm estates became the backbone 
of Chilean agriculture by the beginning of the 17th century. 
The origin of this rural property as separate entities v/as 
more likely the result of a land concession than an enco- 
mienda grant. ^ Conversely, some of the encomienda grants, 
as noted before , were maintained from generation to genera- 
tion as rural property. In fact, almost all of the best 
land in the colony was included in the limits of the orig- 
inal large encomienda divisions , and there was very little 
rural property available for newly arrived Spaniards to oc- 
cupy. Thus, the land distribution system either as conces- 
sions or encomiendas led to a largely agricultural colony 
in which most of the large parcels of land were devoted to 
stock raising. 

These large estates were maintained during the balance 
of the colonial period by the system of isayorazgos or en- 
tailed estates. Many of the leading families, desiring 
primarily to maintain their social rank, had their property 
entailed by order of the Crown. In this way, the large 
holdings v/ere kept intact from generation to generation. 
Although formal limitation of the property to a specific 
line of heirs did not begin until the close of the 17th 

century, land was held in virtual occupational entailment 


by the first families until that time. 


According to Helen Douglas-Irvine in her study of the 
encomienda system in Chile, hereditary rights to the enco- 
]"niendas were most often maintained by one means or anotiier. 
These possessions were originally granted for two lifetimes 
in America. In 15 37, Charles V, however, ruled that v/hen 
an encomendero died, his rights to the encomienda Indians 
passed on to his legitimate sons, in order of age j, failing 
them to his daughters similarly, and failing any legitimate 
children, to his widow. 

These provisions seem to have been followed in Chile 
on most occasions. In several examples, the Governor peti- 
tioned that the vecinos might hold their encomiendas in 
perpetuity. No matter what the Crown's decision was in 
these cases, time and Chile's isolation from the political 
mainstream strengthened the hereditary natare of the enco- 
miendas. In practice, most of the encomiendas remained in 
one family until the system was abolished near the end of 
the 18th century. Moreover, by an interesting custom that 
was adopted by the family-conscious Chileans, the son v/ho 
received his father's encomienda v;as bound to feed his 
mother, brothers, and sisters, thus maintaining the basic 
famxly unit. 

Obviously, the Spanish settlers faced a difficult task 
in Chile because of their small nurnbers. Douglas-Irvine 

computes that by 155 8, only 1,100 Spanish men were in the 

coxintry. Thus, this small number could not place an 

-75 ■ . 
iron-clad European social and legal structure over the 
country, and the encomieiida system was adapted to the con- 
querors needs and the natives' ability to participate. The 
conquerors were basically opposed to manual labor, and con- 
sequently needed a large labor force to till the soil, tend 
tl-ie animals, and so on. Since they had not found El Dorado 
in Chile, they could not afford large numbers of Negro 
slaves. Thus, in the end, they were forced to rely on the 
Indians to provide manual labor particularly in mining and 
agricultural pursuits. This was a severe hardship for the 
Indians because they were not accustomed to hard work 
either, but their labor fulfilled the most important neces- 
sity for the conquerors. 

A further consideration, of course, V7as the missionary 
aspect of colonization, which basically meant that the 
Indians had to be preserved, if they were to be converted. 
The Spanish religious ideal, therefore, was not to drive 
the Indians cut of the country, but to govern them within 
it. The native institutions were not to be eradicated, but 
were to be absorbed into the Spanish system. • 

This enterprise, although laudatory, was faulty. The 
Spaniards apparently never fully understood the Chilean 
Indians' complex social system and consequently many abuses 
were built into the system from the beginning. Agreements 
made with specific Indian chiefs were sometimes given to 
the wrong individual. This practice, obviously, confounded 

Indian society, and led to serious morale prcbleir.s 'among the 
various sub-groups. In addition, readjustments in Soanish 
society — such as changes in'' enconienda proprietorship — 
caused _ confusion among the Indians as to who really was 
their lord and master. Additional disorder was caused by 
moving -hhe Indians from place to place creating a consequent 
loss of identity. ^Finally, confusion was caused , ■ 
the encomsaderos and the Indians by the court fights over 
■the encomiendas that v/ere left vacant by the proprietor's 
dea-th or his departure for Spain. ^^ 

Some Indians, living near town, never fully partici- 
pated 'in the encomienda system, but were granted illegally 
to the Spaniards as personal servants. These Indians 
adopted useful handicrafts such as carpentry, shoem.aking, 
and masonry. They were also used as porters carrying goods 
from Santiago to Valparaxso, and as builders. Of course, 
this idea of personal service and seizure v/as really against 
*the law, but tlie abuse was never checked. In fact, the ex- 
action of personal service prevented the mass assimilation 
of the Chileaii Indians by the colony because the social 
stigma of personal service assured the fact that pure- '• 
blooded Indians v-'ould a.lw.3ys be considered the lo'-^er 

By disease, bad treatm.ent, flights to the free south, 
the Indian settlements around Santiago v/ere emptied. A 
report dated 1610, indicates tliat encomiendas that had 


once included two or three thousand Indians ;, now only had 

a hundred, and most only forty, fifty, or sixty. There 

were at that time not over 2,899 encoirdenda Indians in the 

entire Santiago district. In all of Chile, there were no 

more than 5,000 Indians still serving in encomiendas . One 

particular encoinienda of 1,500 Indians, that had been 

granted to Ines de Suarez in 1546, contained only 800 in 

These Indians no longer v/ere plentiful enough for 
agricultural work and gradually a new "pay for labor" class 
was formed to take the place of the encomienda. It was com- 
prised of the Indians involved in personal service, mestizos, 
who followed the cultural patterns of their Indian mothers, 
and enslaved Araucanian Indians who were captured in the 
fighting in the south. This new class was known as the 
Inquilinos who are still cultivating the central valley to 
this day. 

These people v/ere distinguished from the encom.ienda 
Indians because they lived on their master's estancias. 
They had certain rights including 200 days per year for 
their own personal labor plus a special piece of land for 
their own crops. In addition, they were paid for their 
work on the Lord's estancia, and one out of every four was 
appointed as overseer. This system proved superior to the 
encom.ienda, which degenerated, lost its Indian population, 
and finally was abolished near the end of the 18th cen- 

.78 . ■ 
Despite the development of the encomienda system in 
Chile and the creation of large landed estates originally 
utilizing forced labor, the essential capitalistic nature 
of the Chilean colonial economy has long been ignored. 
Afterall, even the encomienda system was nothing more than 
a measure designed to harness cheap labor for sustainment 
and ultimately the world capitalist market. The passing 

of the encomienda system occurred primarily because it was 



Moreover, as Jay Kinsbruner points out in his Chile : 
A Historical Interpretatio n, the capitalistic system in 
Chile was spurred during the colonial period ' — especially 
during the end of the 16th and during the 17th centuries — 
because land was continually being subdivided and ownership 
increased. For example, the original five estates bounded 
by the Perquilauquen, Loncomilla, and the Maule Rivers and 
the Andes had been joined by 40 additional estates by the 
end of the 17th century. Of these 40, only 13 contained 
more than 4,000 acres. Additionally, these estates were 

made up of more arable land than the original five, so this 


was not even a consideration of the sub-division process. 

One further consideration about the control of economic 
activity was the fact that the mayorazgos living in the 
country never exerted much influence or political pressure 
on Santiago during the early colonial period, simply be- 
cause most of the economic activity was in Santiago and its 
environs and not on the large estates. 


ikccordingly , the urban-dweriing encomiendero-hacendado , 
bourgeoise-raerchants , rainers ^ small manufacturers, some 
government bureaucrats, and professional people, were the 
persons most interested in stable government and rule by 
law. These men, in fact, became the backbone of the 
Chilean economy after the military had secured the area. 
They were also instrumental in Chile for creating an urban 
social middle class based more on economics than en birth. 
During the period ^f 1540-1565 in Santiago, they also ap- 
pear to be more racially tolerant than their counterparts 
in Mexico and Peru. Perhaps, this situation was caused by 
necessity, however, rather than mentality. _ 

In any case, the bourgeoise played a significant role 
in the development of the colony from the very beginning. 
First, there was Martinez's partnership with Valdivia. 
Then, there was the rapid establishment of tlie central 
market in Santiago. As Kinsbruner relates, moreover, as 
early as 1543, the first ship to arrive in the colony from 
Peru, contained not only military hardware for Valdivia, but 
also a consignment of civilian goods destined for the 
• Santiago market. The second ship carried only goods for 

There were many notable entrepreneurs among the ori- 
ginal settlers. Some will be discussed at length in a 
later chapter. Suffice it to say here, however, that it 
is worth mentioning Antonio Nunez de Fonseca, who founded 


the shipbuilding and fishing industry in the colony, and 
Juan Jufre", v/ho owned a flour mill and cloth factory in 
S anti ago . 

These men exercised influence far beyond their logical 
means and structured social status because they were able 
to ejcert their influence on the comraerce between Santiago 
and Lima. Because Santiago was the collection and distri- 
bution point for goods to be exported and goods to be dis- 
tributed among the first settlers, obviously the men con- 
trolling this commerce would be dominant in political life. 
This was especially true in the Santiago area where the 
encomiendas were dispersed and the Crovm exerted little 
political control. These men or their fam.ilies later aug- 
mented their influence and control through a kinship network 
(compadrazgo) which will be discussed later. 


■^ James Lockhart, "Encomienda and Hacienda: The 
Evolution of the Great Estate in the Spanish Indies," 
Hispanic Ameri can Hist o rical Review ,, Vol, 49 (August 19 69) , 
p. 411. 

^Galdames , od. cit . , p. 79. 

%arros Arana, 0£. cit . , Vol. 1, p.. 144. 

■^Eugene H. Korth, Spanish Policy in Colonia l Chile : 
The Struggle for Social Justice, 1535-1700 (Star ford, 
1968) ,■ p. 24. 

^lanuel Salvat Monguillot, "El regimen de encomiendas 
en los primeros tiempos de la conquista,'' Revista Chilena 
de His tori a y Geografia , No. 132, 1964, p. 57. 

^Pedro Marino de Lobera, Cronica del Reino de Chile , 
Coleccic^n de Historiadores de Chile, Vol. 6 (Santiago, 
1855) , p. 72. 

"^Encina, Historia de Chile , Vol. 1, p. 395. 

^Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile , p. 25. 

^Crecente Errazuriz, His t oria de Chile. D on Garcia 
de Mendoza, 155 7-1561 (Santiago, 1914), 56. See also 
J. Solorzano Pereira, Politica Indian a (Madrid, 1930), 
Vol. 3, p. 135. 

-^^Alvaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile , p. 25. 

l-'-Douglas-Irvine , 02_, cit . , p. 474. 

■•-^McBride, op_. cit . , p. 71. 

■^-^Lockhart , "Encomienda and Haciend^ '' p. 420. 

-'-'^Crecente Errazuriz, H istoria de Chile. Don Garcia 
de Mendoza, 15 57-1561 , pp. 443-444. 

-^^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Francisco 
de Villagra, 1561-15 6 3 (Santiago, 1914'} , pp. 88-89. 



Barros Arana, 0£. cit , , Vol, 1, p. 248. 
■^■^Korth, op, cit . f p. 30. 
■'-^Galdames , op. cit., p. 88. 

■^^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Francisco 
de Villagra, 1561-1563 , p. 91, 

20 Jay Kinsbruner, Chile: A Historic al Interpretation 
(New York, 1973), p. 9. 

^^Korth, o£. cit . , p. 32. 

22Encina, Historia de Chile , Vol. 1, p. 39 8; Vol. 3, 
p. 71. 

2-^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Don Garcia 
de Men doza, 1557-1561, pp . 4 2 ^ - ^- 3 8: His toria de Chile. 
Francisco de Villagra, 1561-1563 , pp. 70--'9 3. 

2^Encina, Historia de Chile , Vol. 1, p. 402, 

^^Aivaro Jara, Guerra y sociedad en Chile , p. 22. 

2^Korth, o£. cit . , p. 25. 

2'^Doiningo Amunategui Solar, Formac io n de la 
naciona lidad chilena , (Santiago, 19 43) p. 12. Amunategui 
describes the mitaraaes as small colonics of Inca Indians 
who had replaced the local leadership during the 15th 
Century Inca invasion.' By the time the Spaniards had ar- 
rived in the country, hov/ever, intermarriage with the 
local' inhabitants had occurred. 

Vicuna Mackenna, H istoria social y critica de 
Santiago, pp. 18-19. 

2^George M. McBride, Chi l e: Land and Society (New 
York, 1971) , pp. 72-74. 

30 / 

Domingo Amunategui Solar, Las enc omiendas de 

in digenas en Chile (Santiago, 1910), Vol. 2, p. 73. 
31lbid.. , Vol. 2, p. 8. 
,, 32iyi(-.Bride, o£. cit . , pp. 90-95, 
^ Lockhart, "Encomienda and Hacienda," p. 414. 
34ibid. , p. 415. 


^^Ibid, , p. 416. 

36ibid.> pp. 4 20-421. 


Robert Keith, '''Encomienda, Hacienda and Corregimento 

in Spanish America: A Structural Analysis,'' Hispanic 

Americ an Historical Review , Vol. 51 (Aug. 19 71), p. 432. 

^^ Ibid . , p, 446. 


-■^Encma, His tori a de Chile , Vol, 1, pp. 396-397. 

^^McBride, op. cit . , p. 110. 

'^ ^Douglas -Irvine, op. cit . , p. 480. 

^^Ibid. , p. 481. 

"^^Ibid. , p. 484. 


^%cBride, 0£, cit., p. 75. 

^^Korth, 0£. cit . , pp. 25-26. 

^^Douglas-Irvine, o£. cit. , p. 492. 

"^^orth, o£. cit . , p. 113. 

"^^Alvaro Jara, Guerra y socie d ad en Chile , p. 18. 

^^Kinsbruner, o£. cit. , p. 15. 

IM^" ' P- 18. See also Vernon, 0£. cit . , pp. 108- 



Alvaro Jara, Guerra y so c iedad en Chi le, p. 18. 


Anyone who has flown over or traveled overland from 
northern Chile to the Central Valley is certainly avrare of 
the rugged terrain and geographical inconsistency of the 
land. The small fertile valleys, for instance, quickly 
give way to barren, arid, hills, and the lush vegetation is 
transformed into scrub growth. Only in the vicinity of 
Santiago does the great panorama open to a wide fertile 
valley dominated by the hills of Santa Lucia and San 
Cristobal. With the towering Andes in the background, it . 
makes a fantastic setting. This surely was the scene that 
enraptured Valdivia when he arrived at Huelen in 15 41. He 
comm.ented, "This land is such that one can live and prosper. 
There is no better place in the world. . . . '' Of course, 
it must be remembered that most of the conquerors were 
from, the Castillian meseta where according to an old French 
expression, "there are eight months of winter and four of 

The only problem for the Spaniards was that the 
Mapocho Valley was already inhabited by approximately 10,000 
Indians v/ho were not anxious to be displaced by the new- 
comers. In fact, according to the old historian, Alonso 
Gongora Marmolejo, approxim,ately four thousand warriors 
actually fought against the Spaniards in the Santiago 


area — a number indicating nearly complete manpovi-er 
mobilization.'- In any case, the total nuxiiber of people 
lander the jurisdiction of the new Spanish city of Santiago 
in 1541 was probably less than 20,000, and included 136 
Spaniards, approximately 6,000 Peruvian yanaconas and the 
rest native Chileans. 

These natives, as explained earlier, spoke mostly 
Quechua, were engaged mostly in agricultural pursuits and 
food gathering, and lived in their primitive rucas along 
stream banks. There was a small settlement in the area 
named Huelen after the hill that dominated the region. 
Valdivia stated in one letter to the King that he had been 
entertained by these natives in a large house containing 
many doors. The existence of such a building cannot be 
denied, but it must have been a central meeting place be- 
cause all of the other buildings were of poor quality. The 
principal Indian chiefs of the area were Colima, Lampa, 
Batacura, Apoquindo , Cerrillos de Apochame, Talagante, 
Melipilla, Milacura, and Huara-Huara. 

The importance of the Santa Lucia hill to the 
Spaniards can easily be seen by any visitor to Santiago. 
Located at that time between two branches of the Mapocho 
River, it formed a natural refuge against Indian attacks. 
(The size and area of the hill has been markedly reduced 
through the years. The rocks and stones were used to 
build houses and streets in the city when there was no 
longer a need for protection.) 


In addition to this strategic consideration, Valdivia 
was merely following the Spanish government's interest in 
city planning and Charles V*s 152 3 law prescribing the 
conditions for laying out new cities. First, the new 
towns were to be located near water, building materials, 
pasture lands, and firewood. Second, cities were to be ■ 
located in moderate altitudes. Places si±iject to fog or 
located near swamps were to be avoided. In addition, the 
area was expected to have clean air and, as a precaution, 
"all dirty and smelly businesses'' were to be located on 
the. outskirts of tov/n.-' 

Once the site had been chosen, the most suitable place 
for the central plaza was picked. The street plan was 
then laid out from the plaza -in a checker-board pattern 
devised by Pedro de Garaboa, the city's first surveyor. 
The plaza was located several hundred yards in front of 
Santa Lucia between the Mapocho and Canada Rivers. (The 
Canada has since dried up and has been covered by the 
boulevard Alameda.) Originally, eight streets ran north 
to south between the rivers; and ten ran from east to west 
along the slope of Santa Lucia. Each block measured ex- 
actly 138 yards in each direction, and v/as subdivided into 
four lots; thus allowing all of Valdivia 's soldiers to have 
a lot or solar on v/hich he could build a house. It appears 
from the original plot that the most important citizens were 
to occupy the streets running north to south because these 


received the night breezes and had a better distribution of 
Bun and shade. Of course, a home located near the plaza . 
was the most desiresible. 

The rapid and constant flow of both rivers, along v/ith 
the primitive aqueduct system, formed a fairly efficient 
supply of drinking and irrigation water, as well as a 
relatively v/orkable waste removal system. Vicuna Makenna 
comments that the disposal system of old Santiago v/ould 
have been the envy of any city in Europe. It remained as 
such until population pressures forced people to move up- 
stream from Santa Lucia and consequently fouled the water. 

For the most part, the original street names of the 
city have been forgotten because they v/ere only identifiable 
as the home of the first great men of the city. General 
practice in all Spanish colonial cities initially was to 
identify the solar or street lots by the inhabitants name. 
It is known, however, that present day Estado Street was 
always known as Rei Street before the v/ar for independence - 
After the first citizens of the city had died, many streets 
were named after the more illustrious coBquistadores such 

as Valdivia and Ahumada, saints, principle buildings, and 


metals such as Gold Street, Silver Street, etc. 

The first homes were constructed of logs and straw. 
Following the Indian attack in 1542, however, a kind of 
adobe-like material was concocted and used to prevent wide- 
spread distruction by fire. Valdivia also increased the 


city's protection by constructing an adobe wall around trie 
interior nine blocks surrounding the central plaza. All 
traces of this wall have disappeared with time, however, 
and there is still some question regarding its exact lo- 
cation. All that is knov/n for certain is that it was lo- 
cated in the vicinity of the present Plaza de Armas. 

Regardless of the exact location, v/e do know, that 
Valdivia emplaced the church stone that he had carried 
with him from Cuzco in the junction of two of the walls. 
The first church was, thus, located facing the plaza and 
was dedicated to the Virgin Mary. Valdivia 's own house — 
the first permanent home in the city — ■ was built in May 
1542 up against the fort's opposite wall facing the church,^ 
Apparently, subsequent buildings housing Captain Generals 
and Presidents of the Republic were built on the same spot 
after the original structure was destroyed. The other 
solares that faced the plaza were distributed among the 
principal pobladores such as Juan Juf re , whose two-story 
building became one of the better known in the city, and 
that belonging to Antonio de Pastrana which was later given 
to the Church as the Archbishop's residence. These houses 
were still essentially rude dwellings. In fact, it is re- 
ported that Francisco de Villagra's house originally did 
not have any doors. 

The rest of the blocks were divided into eight 
solares — four on each side of the streets that ran east 


to west. The houses of the early aristocracy were grouped 
in this area and v/ere surrounded by the shacks of their 
servant yanaconas. Soldiers and men of lesser rank were, 
forced to live farther away from the plaza in camps near 
the dehesa or common ground. -'--'- 

No matter what his social status was, however, the 
individual Spaniard was virtually king within his solar. 
All of his slaves, concubines, and yanaconas lived within 
the enclosure. These people were by necessity dedicated 
to the success of their master — after-all their liveli- 
hood was dependent on him. Within the solar they tended 
his animals and took care of all of his needs, ^ On 
the other hand, urbanization of this kind had its drawbacks 
because the servants could no longer live off the land as 
they had during the trek from Cuzco, and the master was 
hard pressed to provide for so many eager mouths. Even- 
tually^ the situation got so bad in the city, in fact, that 
the the population concentration began to cause health 
problem,s. An ordinance v/as passed by the cabildo as early 
as 1550 directing the citizens to get rid of at least half 
of their servants and keep the rest away from the front of 
the houses. In 1554, a charge of tv/o pesos for each in- 
fraction was levied to put teeth onto the lav;.-'-"^ 

Other city problems are easily discernible from the 
cabildo records. For instance, the population concentra- 
tion of Indians, Negroes, and mestizos in the city led to 

■ K- . -- *te l,.!— l-i, . -iiMJ> H ».e»< -H 


the la'-v restricting water rigrits to the Spaniards — all 
others could be whipped for violating the law. The safe- 
keeping of horses v/as also of primary importance in the 
city and laws were passed to ensure their protection. In 
1549, it was decreed that any Indian who shot a breeding 
mare with a bow and arrow was to be beheaded, -^^ 

Although these early laws were directed against the 
Indians and Negroes, life in Santiago was not especially 
pleasant for anyone. Food prices, although regulated very 
early by the cabildo, were very high. The people lived 
primarily on some form of corn, and not until 1555 were 
vegetables and wine available in large quantities. The 
cabildo authorized the establishment of butcher shops in 
town in 1549, but all failed because the farms, for the 
most part, consumed their ov;n meat and could not provide 
any for market for many years. Wood cutting was regulated, 
and after July 1549, no one was allowed to chop down a 
tree without permission from the Governor.-'-^ 

During the first days of the colony, manual labor -— 
artisan type work — was done by the soldiers. Santiago 
had, amiong its military ranks, men who were capable of 
shoemaking, tailoring, carpentry. The town blacksmith was 
particularly indispensible because he was alvzays needed to 
repair military equipm.ent, shoe horses, and construct agri- 
cultural and mining tools. Prices for this work were set 
by the cabildo and initially were very high. Subsequently, 

91 ■ 

prices were reduced as the number of capable artisans in- 
creased from iiTiiTvigration. For example, in 1553 for tailor- 
ing a cloak, the cost v/as two and a half pesos, for a 
jacket, two pesos, for a robe, eight, shoes were five pesos, 
etc.-^° The number of skilled v7orkers was augmented later 
by mestizo trainees. In fact, industrial work in the col- 
ony almost passed completely to mestizos and Indians. ^"^ 
By 1556, the number of artisans was such that the guild 
system that was prevalent in Europe was fully established 
in Santiago. 1^ 

In 1549, when Valdivia began his southern campaign, 
the citizens of Santiago requested that some blacksmiths 
remain in town. Valdivia ordered three to remain — two 
in town and one at the mines of Marga-Marga. In 1553, 
however, only one smith resided permanently in Santiago 
and he, wanting to leave town, was ordered by the cabildo 
to remain. Obviously, most of the blacksmitlis enjoyed the 
action and furor of Indian battles to the every day activity 
of shoeing horses in Santiago. ^^ 

In July 1552, a public market was established in the 
town plaza. Apparently, the idea was resisted by the 
Indians who were accustomed to unregulated barter, but the 
cabildo ordered goods to be sold at the market. Trans- 
actions, moreover, were to be conducted in gold that had 
been authorized and minted as official currency in 1549, 
The Indians, therefore, were faced with two problems: 


they had very little gold at their disposal, and they were 
not allowed to sell a Spanish manufactured product. They 
ended up by selling foodstuffs and artifacts for low prices 
The Spanish view of the market was that it restored tradi- 
tion, was beneficial to the economy, and was useful for 
public administration and commerce. ^0 

The Indians resisted the Santiago market days also 
at first because it was so alien to their culture. Their 
necessities had alv/ays been at a minimum, and they were 
able to live without any innovations the market offered. 
As a consequence, the cabildo frequently renewed the orders 
directing the vecinos to send two Indians to the market to 
sell goods. The Indian resistance, in the end, succumbed 
to this town ordinance because the market place became 
the meeting place and cultural center. ^-'^ 

Justice in the city was administered by the various 
alcaldes, who were at first designated by Governor Valdivia 
and later appointed by the cabildo. In 1549, Valdivia 
named a high court judge for the whole province of Chile 
who served as a reviewing officer for all sentences ad- 
ministered by the various alcaldes. Later, the Governor 
came into conflict with this judge and had him removed 
from office. The administration of justice in most cases, 
thus, reverted to the local officials with no option for 
review. ^^ Important legal questions, however, could be 
reviewed by the Governor and by the Audiencia in Lima. 


The offices of the cabildo were permanently housed in 
155 2;, and the first public jail was erected in the same 
year. A stone column v/as constructed in the plaza and 
served as a symbol of the cabildo 's jurisdiction. Heads 
of executed criminals were exliibited on this column and 
piiblic whippings were conducted under its shadow. Accord- 
ing to the cabildo documents , Indians and Negroes were 
punished nearly every day. The laws were particularly 
strict on Indian conduct. The natives were not allowed to 
gather for meetings and drunkenness was prohibited within 
the city limits. The cabildo was particularly obsessed 
with trying to eliminate the use of alcoholic beverages. 
Many deaths and were attributed to this "social 
curse," and special constables were appointed to police 
fiestas and arrest offenders. These "criminals" were 
publicly whipped. ^-^ 

Nobody knov/s for sure if the Indians predisposition 
for alcoholic beverages occurred before or after the ar- 
rival of the Spaniards. Intoxicants were always available 
to the Indians, but there is no record of their use. It 
is known, however, that Indian military victories over 
-the Spaniards were marked by several days of revelry in 
which everyone drank a beer-like concoction to excess and 
committed atrocities on the captives. ^ The situation v/as 
so bad by 1551 that the Santiago cabildo established a 
curfew and prohibited any Spanish-speaking Indian or Negro 


or any other Indians or Negroes from being on the streets 
after dark. Those violating the curfew were sentenced to 

o r. 

receive 100 lashes m the public square. -^ 

In addition to the administration of justice, the 
cabildo took action to regulate transportation within the 
colony and to Peru. It was always of primary importance 
to maintain communication lines with Lima, but the hap- 
hazard comings and goings of yanaconas and their masters 
proved to be inefficient. In 1554, the first organized 
postal service was instituted. The cabildo also announced 
that the mail was inviolate and that offenders would have 
their right hand chopped off.-^^ 

In general, these harsh laws reflected the Spaniards' 
view of the Indians as being untrustvv'orthy and aiaimals in- 
capable of correction. Government leaders' statements and 
cabildo documents reflect this spirit. Indian traditions, 
which were offensive to the Spaniards — particularly the 

old religions, were vigorously opposed and persecuted. The 

7 7 

old priests and sorcerers were jailed or killed. Indians 

were beaten for minor law infractions , or were beheaded for 
petty theft. They were forced to carry cargo from Santiago 
to Lirt\a as beasts of burden. They were uprooted and re- 
located on the various encomiendas as agricultural workers, 
or in the mines as laborers. The hard work they were sub- 
jected to brought about rapid depopulation. In fact, their 
demise was so quick that both Spaniards and Indians thought 


that the n^diTLerous deait.h3 v/"ere caused by e.vLl spirits. An 

acuerdo of the caJDildc in January 1552 mads an official in- 
cnii:ry into the possible murder of large numbers of Indians 
by an evil force. 

There was a small number of Negroes in the country 
from the very beginning. Laws, initially at least, dealt 
more harshly with them than with the Indians, Negroes v/ere 
not allov/ed on the street after they were the target of a 
curfew in 15 49 under penalty of whipping or having a hand 
cut off. They were also prohibited from carrying arm.s or 
serving as servants to -the Indians. In general, however, 
tjae Negroes adapted more readily to the Spanish system, 
3zid f because of their sm.all numbers, were m.ore easily as- 
similated. Negroes, more often than not, did net v7ork_in' 
the fields , but were destined for domiestic service for the 
Spanish fcim.ilies. On some occasions they v/ent to war as 
armor bearers or as aides to their m.asters. They, also 
became street venders (criers), executioners, and lesser 
officials of the public admdnistration. Negro slaves 
continued to suffer indignities, however, and by 1577, the 
penal code for Negroes as applied to runav/ays , slaves 
bearing unauthorized arrn,^ , drunkeiiness - and rob-bery, 
included v/nippxng, cuttrng off a foot, and, or death." 

During Valdivia's term, as governor, more than 1,000 
imjTi±gra_nts passed through or settled in Chile. In the 
first ye-ars of Santiago, however, rhe permanent Spanish' ■':■ 


c5-ti2enry conprisad seventy Captains and soldiers, three 
priests, txv^o ip.onks , and one Spanish woman, Valdivia, .in 
fact;, was alv^ays afraid of a iriass Spanish exodus from the 
colony, and consequently, overlooked . the fact that m^any 
Spaniards never petitioned for residency or citizenship. 
As previously mentioned, Valdivia in 1552, denied a peti- 
tion from the procurador of Santiago that cited the unlaw- 
ful resideace of several people in. the city. He vvrote to 
the cabildo his obstinant refusal to allow any Spaniard, 
regardless of the citizenship question, to leave the colony 
v7ithout his personal permission. Moreover, in order to 
make future imjnigration more attractive, he began to issue 
solar concessions to artisans and other workers. These 
new cxtizens were called raoradores. .. •■ . 

, The daily life of the colony was rather grim, in the 
early years and certainly any attraction v/as necessary to 
increase immigration. There v;-ere fev/ children in the tov/n. 
*The women, mostly Indians, did not participate in meaning- 
ful social entertainm.ent, and family life was practically 
nonexistent. ■ "^^le day weis spent in looking for and pre- 
paring food. At night there was a church service in the' 
paris,h. house, but afte.r-.7ard the -s'treets 'were dase.rted ex- 
cept for the alcalde and his night watch patrol."^- It 
VJas said, in fact, that Juah Pinel corrimitted suicide in 
1549 — the first in Santiago -- because he w^as bored 
with life. 33 

97 ■ 

TJi3 city-s greatest problenV in the beginning v/as its 
extreme poverty. Despite the introduction of the -.rriarket- 
place, there was still not enough money in circulation to 
make the venture worthwhile. Fines for committing lesser 
crimes were worked off through labor rather than in a cash 
payments For example, in 1552, two carpenters, who were 
charged with cutting wood without a permit, were ordered 
to install some doors, a window, and build some benches 
for the cabildo office as their penalty.-^'* It is probable 
that this penal labor was utilized to construct the first 
bridge over the Mapocho River in 1556."^^ 

Despite this poverty, however, the political scene was 
mostly calm under Valdivia's leadership. One plot by the 
infamous Sancho de Hoz was ended with the culprits' execu- 
tion. After that, Valdivia was never seriously challenged. 
Following the Governor's death in 1553, however, an end to 
strong one-man rule occurred. Immediately, a dispute 
erupted among Francisco de Aguirre, Rodrigo de Quiroga, 
and Francisco de Villagra over who would succeed to the 
governor's office. Aguirre was the best military man in 
the colony. He had been active in the discovery and set- 
tlement of Tucuman, and was presently living in La Serena 
on the coast, Quiroga was elected, at least as temporary 
governor, by the Santiago cabildo primarily because he was 
in residence. He was, however, one of the most popular men 
in the colony, Villagra, the m.ost blood-thirsty of the lot. 


was engaged in military operations in the south against the 
Araucanians, . Ultimately, he would be victorious over the 
other pretenders , 

fifhen he heard the news of Valdivia's death, Villagra, 
who had the official title of Captain General and Justicia 
Mayor of Concepcion, Contines , and Valdivia, rode to 
Santiago vj-ith his men. The city, because it was loyal to 
Quiroga, was prepared to resist the southern intruders. 
The citizens followed Quiroga's wishes, however, and 
greeted Villagra warmly and without trouble. The Captain 
apparently assisted his cause by campaigning among the 
soldiers camped in the city and paid them off with money 
and favors. ^° In the end, Quiroga's patience was success- 
ful* Villagra, realizing that his property and Indians 
were in the south anyway, did not press any demands on the 
city other than requesting assistance for the war.-^^ 

Scarcely had the Quiroga-Villagra confrontation been 
settled peacefully, however, when Aguirre sent his son 
Hernando and sixteen soldiers as emissaries to the city. 
Hernando attempted to post his soldiers at the parish 
house, but Villagra and his 200 veterans were too much for 
the little band which was disarmed, Franciso Aguirre was 
angered by this turn of events and rode to Santiago to con- 
front Villagra, The old priest Gonzalez Marmolejo inter- 
vened at this point, however, and the disputants were 
obliged to have their argument arbitrated by the Real 
Audiencia of Lima."*^ 


As a consequence of the settlement, the two rivals 
raturaed to their respective camps — Aguirre to La Serena 
and Villagra to the southern war zone. Finally, the Crown 
acted by ignoring the local competition and named Don 
Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, only twenty years old, as 
Valdivia's successor. Villagra graciously accepted the 
decision in public, but according to his letters, bitterly 
resented his humilitation in private. 

Villagra had more important things to do, however, 
than to fight for the leadership of the colony. Lautaro 
and his band had attacked Pocoa, killed several Spaniards, 
and were now threatening Santiago itself. In April, 
Villagra and his 106 Spanish soldiers and 400 Indian friends 
located Lautaro 's camp near Mataquito, Losses on both 

sides were enormous during the ensuing battle, but Lauraro's 

death ended the immediate threat to Santiago. 

Don Garcra (1557-1561) , the son of the Peruvian 
Viceroy, meanwhile, took over the reins of government- 
He journeyed from Lima to Santiago, but stayed there for 
only a fev/ days. In fact, much to the displeasure of the 
Santiago citizenry, Don Garci^a did not return to the old 
capital during the first three years of his government,'*^ 
Santiago, thus, was the capital of the colony in name 
only. In reality, the real power resided with the army 
in the south. Don Garcia, in any case, preferred to stay 
with his soldiers rather than remain encamped in comfort. 

•>~*t"Mi;.^r»— •«. "AJ*.— L_rW.J^yy.-«»»-St»*iC:- 


As a consequence of this life-'Style, Concepcion became the 
real seat of governinent. Santiago was the capital from 
1541 uatil 1565, V7hen King Philip II decided to install an 
audiencia in Concepcion. It was formerly located there in 
1557, btit only remained until 1575, From that time until 
1609, t±ie Audiencia of Santiago was preeminent. 45 

Wfeen Don Garcxa finally returned to Santiago, he met 
his constituents in the parish house — still the only 
stone building in the city. Spanish troops moving to the 
front in the south also quartered in the city from time to 
time, but that is as close to political and military action 
that Santiago came. Pedro Cortes Monroi, in his letters, 
noted t±iat his detachment of 500 soldiers arrived in 
Santiago at about the same time as the new governor. 
Nevertheless, it is quite apparent that from the time of 

Don Garcia until the end of the century, the problems of 


Santxago were secondary to the war. 

Following Don Garcia' s recall in 1561, Francisco de 
Villagra was able to gain the governorship. He held the 
post only briefly, however, as he died in Concepcion in 
1563.,^'° During his tenure in office, Santiago continued 
to decline in political importance. In 156 3, however, 
the Santiago citizenry were almost back in the thick of 
fighting when an Indian advance threatened areas near the 

city. The danger finally passed, and life in the city re- 

turned to normal. In the meantime, Pedro de Villagra 


. 101 ■. . 

succeeded to his''s position, - and continued to press 

the offensive in the south until 1565 when he was recalled 


by the Peruvian Viceroy. 

Meanwhile, back in Santiago, Rodrigo. de Quiroga 
(1565—1567) also learned the virtue of patience as he 
too was given the opportunity to be governor. The pop- 
ular Quiroga should be considered as the true civil founder 

of the city as he did much to end the military encampment 

51 • ■*' 
Ixfestyle. Vicuna Mackenna comments that Quiroga' s 

stamp was on everything pertinent to the life of the 

city including the economic and social activities. During 

Quiroga 's brief leadership of the colony, the extent of 

his belief in democratic participation in local government 

can be seen in the fact that the cabildo met 75 times, 

whereas under Valdivia's twelve-year tenure, it met 156 

times, '^ Quiroga was recalled to Lima in 156 7, and the 

Real Audiencia of Concepcion was created with Don Melchor 

Bravo de Saravia as the President of the Tribunal from 

1568 until 1575. The tribunal was ultimately succeeded 

by another Quiroga administration, but that development 

is beyond the limits of this study. 

Meanwhile, to return to non-political developments 

in the Santiago area, a gold discovery was made north of 

the city at Choapa in 1557. With the unveiling of these 

riches., the colony experienced a mini-economic boom and was 

able to make some significant economdc improvements. Most 

IMAgJu; '- x\ii--!*j*,f. ■ M - -^— ■**^■■;»^■*Cfe^lV| -F-'Cii«t*HfcWlB«l" 

10 2 

of tb.e Tfloney was used to increase the domestic cattle 
herds in the Santiago area. In fact, it was estimated 
that 2/000 cows were imported in 155 8 alone. By 1556, a 
great npmber of cattle buyers were already located in the 
city because production v/as greater than the colony's need 
and some supplies could be exported. Despite the in- 
creased supply of meatf hov/ever, there was still no 
official meat market in the city iintil 1567, and even 
then fresh meat was only available twice a week. 

At the same time as meat production was increasing, 
wheat and other grains were produced in greater quantities 
also. By 15 75, in fact, wheat was being exported to Peru. 
All of the farms in the Santiago area had increased pro- 
duction, and Chile's fame as a fertile agricultural land 
was spreading, ^^ 

Meanwhile, other services in the city were either 
being improved or were increasing. The first pharmacy 
was opened by Francisco Bilbao in 1557, and the cabildo 
promptly passed a law prohibiting doctors from owning 
pharmacies . The law was enacted because there were so 
many medical charlatans coming into the colony. ^^ A doc- 
tor named Castro is acknowledged as being the first phy- 
sician in the colony in 1551. He was reportedly hired to 
staff the city hospital founded by Governor Valdivia,^'^ 
In reality, there was no permanent doctor in the city to 
staff it until 1566. The great local scandal during 

10 3 
these early years , thus , proved to be the many medical 
quacks that tried to pass themselves off as doctors, ^^ 

The Spanish were very much concerrxed with educating ' 
their children — whether mestizo or pure Spanish. Again, 
the colony's poverty at first prohibited local subsidation 
of mass education. Children were tutored in the Spanish 
language, however, and girls received instruction in cooking 
and sewing while their brothers learned weaponry. ^^ 

The first attempt to organize higher education oc- 
curred in 1567, when the Church petitioned the Crown to 
establish a seminary in Imperial. The idea was rejected, 
however, because the Crown felt that Imperial was too 
close to the fighting against the Indians. The first 
school in Santiago, m.eanwhile, was organized by the 
mestizo parish priest, Juan Bias, who located his gramrr^ar 
school within the cathedral. ^^ 

Spanish women began to arrive in the colony in the 
50s to join the illustrious Ines de Suarez. Dona Ines 
had already been presiding over the social life of the 
city and had instructed many Indian and mestiza m.aidens in 
the finer things in life. These girls had already been 
integrated into Spanish society. Among the new arrivals 
was Marina de Gaete, Pedro Valdivia's widow, and her 
sister Dona Catalina. These women V7ere very active in 
Church affairs, and were probably instrumental in origi- 
nating the cult of the Virgin de la Soledad in the city.^-'" 


Overall, life in Santiago could best be described 
as simple -— almost primitive with few happy diversions. 
The Spaniards arrived in the country with their culture, 
but the war and the problems involved in day to day living 
did not allow for culture refinements . There were diver- 
sions such as fiesta days, however, and, of course, no 
one worked on Sunday. On these occasions, the women of 
the city dressed in their best clothes, particularly dif- 
ferent colored velvets. Furniture was also improved and 
the few rude pieces of the early days were replaced to 
hand crafted productions. Music was also brought from 
Spain an-d Peru and was quickly adopted and modified by the 
mestizo majority. Indian music or an adaptation was re- 
vived and also used for entertainment. 

Despite these overall improvements, however, the 
best estimate is that even at the end of the century, 
there were only 170 houses in the city. The population 
estimate is that there were not more than 500 Spaniards 
and more than 2,000 mestizos and Indians. In 1575, 
the Spanish population was obviously less, although about 
2,500 Spaniards had presumably passed through the city on 
the way to the front, ^ In any case, Santiago was still 
classified as a poor city even at the close of the cen- 
tury. Materially, it was reported to be inferior to the 
little city of Melipilla.^S Even Alonso Gonzales de 
Na3era complained in 160 7 that, although Santiago had 

10 5 

many beautiful houses, it still resembled a military camp 
with all of the soldiers stationed there. 

Thus, as the first thirty years of the city's exist- 
ence drew to a close, there was no longer any doubt in the 
minds of the citizenry that the city would survive. The 
death of Quiroga in 15 80 v/as considered to be a calamity 
by many of the old timers, but civil law and order had 
been firmly established and the process of development 
could not be reversed. Social problems were the next 
consideration, and these will be discussed in the next 




-^Encina, Hi storia de Chile , Vol. 1, p. 40 4. 

"Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de 
Santiago , p. 16. 

^Valdivia to Carlos V, September 25, 1551, reprinted 
in VicuKa Mackenna, Ibid . , pp. 20-22. 


■^Eberhardt, o£_. cit . , p. 55. 

%illiam L. Schurz, This New World; Th e Civilization 
of Latin America (Nev/ York, 19 64) , p. 343. 

Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de 
S anti ago . p. 2 7. 

"^Ibid. , p. 28. 

^Ibid. , p. 29. 

•^Tomas Thayer Ojeda, '■Santiago durante el siglo XVI, 
constitucion de la propiedad urbana y noticias biograficas 
de sus primeros pobladores, Anales d e la Universidad de 
Chile , No. 116 (Santiago, 1905), p, 26. 

^°Ibid. , p. 27. 

11 . 

McBride, op_. cit. , p. 63. 

^^Ibid. , p. 74. 

■'•^Ibid. , p. 72. 


Barros Arana, op. ci t . , Vol. 1, p. 121. 

"""^Ibid. , Vol. 1, pp, 121-12 2. 

Julio Alemparte, L a regulacic^n econoniica en Chile 
durante la colonia (Santiago, 1937) , p. 7. 

I'^Ibid, , p. 29. 

1 8 

Barros Arana, o£, cit . , Vol. 1, p. 12 4. 

l^Ibid. , Vol. 1, p. 125. 

*«it^ d R t^Htf3l «^ '^ (f *i-»fty 


^^Alemparte, La reguiacio n economica;. p. 40. 
Barros Arana, og_, x cit . , Vol. 1, p. 129, 
. '^^Ibid. , Vol. 1, p. 139. 

^^Encina, His tori a de Chile , Vol. 2, pp. 242-243, 

24 r 

Crecente Errazuriz, H istoria de Chile. Francisco 

de Villagra, 1561-1563 , p. 30"oT 

Barros Arana, 0£, ci_t . , p. 140. 

Alejandro Fuenzalida Grandon, La evolucion social 
de- Chile, 1541-1810 (Santiago, 1906), p. 363." 

27 . . . 

Enema, Hxs toria de Chxle , Vol. 2, p. 244. 

2 8 

Barros Arana, og_. cit. , Vol, 1, p. 145. 


Ibid., Vol. 1, pp. 248-249. 

^^Ibid. , Vol. 1, p. 144. 

-^-'-Viciina Mackenna, Histor ia s ocial y critica de 
Santiago , p. 73. "^ " 

^^Ibid. , p. 74. 

i^^Eberhardt, o£. cit . , p. 112.' 


Vicu?Ia Mackenna, Historia social y critica de 

Santiago , p. 75. 

^^Barros Arana, 0£. cit. , Vol. 1, pp. 122-123. 


Encina, Historia de Chile , Vol. 2, p. 25 8. 

^'Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile sin 
go bernador, 155 4-15 5 7, pp. 9-11. 

3 8 /" 

Miguel Luis Amunategui , Descubrimiento y conquista 

de Chile (Santiago, 1862), pp. 353-356. 

39 y 

•^^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile sin 

gob ernador, 1554-155 7 , pp. 10 7-110. 

"^Qlbid., pp. 211-223; 327-347. 

'*-'- Amunategui, Descubrimiento y conquista de Chile , 
pp. 357-36 3. ' ' ^"^ ^^ 

10 8 

Pedro de Cordoba y Figueroa, His tor i a de Chile 

?"2iof'''^-°'' ^^ His tori adores de ChileTvSTr'r'lsSHtriiS',' 
1852) , pp. 90-95. 

43 • 

Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Chile. Don Garcia 
de_Me ndo2a, 1557 -15 61, p. 452T" ^^ ^— — ^- 

44 ■ y 

Alonso de Gongora Mamiolejo, Hi storia d e Chile 
gesjg_el descubrimiento hasta e l ano 15 75 {Col^U^i^rTde 
Historxadores de Chile, Vol. 2)"'~(slHtI"ii^, 1862), 
pp. 66-73. 


C.H. Haring, The Spanish Em pire in America (New 
York, 1947), p. 88. ^' — — 

46 ^ 

Domingo Amunategui Solar, Un solad ado de la 

conquista de Chile (Santiago, 189 sT,' p. 5". 

4 7„ . 

- Frias, o£. cijt . , pp. 79-80, 

. „.,,^^^^^^te Errazuriz, Historia de Chile . Francisco 
de Villaqra, 156 1-156 3, pp. 1-3 7. 


Frias, a£_. cit . , pp. 79-80 

'ibid. , p. 455 


Enema, Historia de Chile , Vol. 2, p. 184. 

Vicuna Mackenna, Historia s ocial y critica de 
Santiago , p. 94. , "~ """^ — 

53„ . 

•Frias, op. cit , , p. 81. See also Gongora 
Marmolejo, Histo ria__de_Chile , pp. 16 6-171. Saravia 
followed his predecessors by basing his government in 


Barros Arana , op. cit.. Vol. 1, p. 120. 

tr c 

Vicuna Mackenna, Hi storia social y critica de 
Santiago, p. 9 7. ' 

Barros Arana, o£. cijt. Vol. 1 , pp . 141-142. 

Alejandro Fuenzalida Grandon, Historia del 
^||^£OJ-la intelectual^de_Chil_e, 154lTr810 (Santiago, 
19 03), p. 423. ^ — 

5 8 

^. ^ .l^id.; pp. 421-428. See also Vicuna Mackenna, 
Historia s ocial y critica de Santiago , p, 

/ . 


Enema, Histo ria de Chile , Vol. 2, p. 2 76 

^°Ibid., p. 277. 

Vicuna Mackenna , ; . Kis toria social y critica de 
S antiago . p, 10 4. r— .- -r— -r- 

^^Encina, His tori a de Chile , Vol. 2, pp. 252-257. 

^^ ibid . , p. 247. 

"^Domingo Amunategui Solar, Formacion de la 
nacionalidad chilena (Santiago, 19 43), p. Tl. 

"-•Domingo Amunategui Solar, La socieda d de Santiago 
en el siglo diez y siete (Santiago, 1937), p. 53. 

°°Gonzalez de Najera, o£. cit. , p. 12. 


Although politics and economics certainly have a place 
in Chilean colonial history, the greatest single factor af- 
fecting the development of the country was the interaction 
of people — particularly the creation of a mestizo society 
from the original Spanish and Indian base. As an intro- 
. duction to this phenomenon, certain definitions have to be 
derived so that a useful discussion can be conducted. 

Magnus Moerner's Race Mixture in the History of Latin 
America is the classic study in the field of race relations 
and his terminology is an excellent introduction for this 
chapter. According to Moerner, the m.ost important defini- 
tion is that of the word race. Properly speaking, he says, 
the word race should be reserved to designate one of the 
great divisions of mankind sharing well-defined character- 
istics, or populations characterized by the frequency in 
which certain genes appear. Since the physical appearance 
may partly reflect the environment, the hereditary composi- 
tion of the genotype is what matters. We have already 
seen the differentiation of the racial characteristics of 
Spaniards and Indians in earlier chapters. 

Moerner continues that miscegenation or race mixture 
in itself is really of limited interest. Its only impor- 
tance lies in its intimate relationship with two social 



processes: acculturation, the mixture of cultural ele- 
ments, and assiiralation, or the absorption of one people 
into another's culture. Miscegenation, therefore, could 
occur rather easily. is really important, however, is 
the degree of acculturation and assimilation that occurred 
between the races. This factor would lead to either a 

predominantly mestizo culture in some areas, or one that 


was separately Spanish and Indxan rn others. 

The adjustment of the "mixed blood - mestizo'' to the 
environment and the acceptance of him by the ruling class 
became another factor. In this case, one measuring stick 
of mestizo acceptance or the degree of discrimination 
against him is the scale of vertical social mobility. One 
vrould expect, therefore, to find less social discrimination 
in a social climate that accepted mestizos according to 
their class of origin — their birthright,"^ This was cer- 
tainly true in Chile for the period 1540 to 1575, and was 
probably also a fact at least in the beginning of most of 
the other colonies . 

These definitions and thoughts aside, let us turn to 
the conquest of the New World itself — in general racial 
terminology, the conquest of indigeneous women. From the 
very beginning of this process , Spanish and Portuguese 
chroniclers described the beauty of Indian maidens. In 
Chile,, according to Encina, the same thoughts prevailed 
especially in regard to the southern central valley Indians, 

^ 112 . 
who were described as being lighter in skin color than the 
Peruvian Indians, Other descriptions of west coast 
Indians, howevei", were equally enthusiastic particularly 
that of the Coyas or Ixica nobility. 

The securing of women was accomplished through mar- 
riage, concubinage, or rape, Encina credits the enco- 
mienda system as a factor in the creation of mestizaje 
because of the proximity that occurred between the con- 
querors and the conquered.^ The institution of Indian 
slavery was a factor in Mexico and Peru in the early days, 
but it was prohibited by the Nevr Laws of 1542 and gradually 
disappeared in most places except Chile where it was rein- 
troduced in 160 8 as a control tool directed against the 

The rape and concubinage factors could possibly be 
overdone because many of the Indians v;ere simply unaware 
in many cases of the relationship between intercourse and 
reproduction. In addition, there is good reason to believe 
that the women complied with the desires of the conquista- 
dores because it was the natural sequence of life as pat- 
terned in the past by one tribe conquering another. More- 
over, the Spaniards may have appeared physically different 
and attractive to the women, especially if their treatment 
by the Spaniards was better than that offered by their 
tyrannical Indian husbands. The tremendous male-female 
Indian population imbalance may have been a factor here. 

The Indian men had been killed ox exiled to the mines. 
Thus, the women had no other sexual outlet except the 
Spaniards. Finally, the Spaniards often obtained women 
as gifts or tokens of friendship from the various Indian 
chiefs. The Indians viewed this process as a m.eans of 
allying themselves with the Spaniards, and the progeny 
created by the union brought about an extended family re- 
lationship not unlike the Spaniards own godfather kinsman- 
ship » 

Regardless of the process, the Spanish conqueror lived 
his life surrounded by women. The Chilean conquerors, for 
example, had their yanaconas — including women — carrying 
baggage and supplies froia Peru. Also included in the ret- 
inue were free servants, camp, follox/ers , and any native 
woman that caught his eye during the trek from Cuzco. 
Francisco Aguirre, who officially recognized at least 
fifty mestizo sons, best stated the Spanish attitude toward 
sex with the Indians when he declared, "the service rend- 
ered to God in producing mestizos is greater than the sin 
commited m the seime act." 

During the combat in the south, following the founding 
of Santiago, many of the new Spanish militairy recruits suf- 
fered the sam.e fears and trepidations of generations of 
successive soldiers over their future. In this hostile 
environment, pleasxore was a rare commodity and satisfaction 
was most often "accomplished in the arms of a native woman. 

Indiscriminate sexual relationships, therefore, became a 
way of life. 

Intermarriage was also a contributing factor to race 
mixture and v/as specifically endorsed by the Crown in 1501. 
In tiiis case, the Crov/n stated that Indian women should not 
be held against their wishes, and that marriage should be 
voluntary on both sides. -^-^ The Spaniards viewed marriage 
simply as a means to legitimize their offspring in many 
cases, but there is no doubt that many Indian wives per- 
formed capably as partners, lovers, and companions particu- 
larly in frontier settlements. In the Chilean situation, 
with, its homestead and agricultural emphasis, Indian 
women — either as wives or conc;±)ines — were a necessary 
fixture of the home. The legal bases for their marriage 
relationship was the Crown's 1516 order for conquerors to 
marry the daughters of Indian chiefs, and the other was the 
1539 directive that encomenderos should marry natives 
within three years or send to Spain for their wives. Obvi- 
ously, the latter path was improbable in Chile where female 

1 2 
hardxness was a necessity. 

The result of miscegenation — the niestizo — in gen- 
eral, fared well throughout the New World in the first gen- 
eration, particularly if he was a product of a marriage 
relationship or had been legitimized by his father. The 
mestizos of this group also identified with their paternal 
background and were able to inherit their fathers' property. 


even art encoraienda grant. In Chile, many of the first 

generation mestizos were active in the army fighting 
against, the Araucanians in the south. As late as 15 85 ■ — 
certainly the second generation of Chilean mestizaje — in 
a letter from the Governor of the colony to the Crown, the 
Governor acJinowi^dged the receipt of a Royal Decree re- 
stricting the rights of mestizos. The Governor referred 
to t±ie fact that there were 150 mestizos in the army, most 
of them sons of conquistadores . Without them, Chile would 
hav^ been lost, he exclaimed; "I should pray to God that 
there were as many good people among those sent to us from 
Spain as there are among those mestizos. "^^ 

So far in this discussion, the role of the Negro has 
been mostly omitted. This is not an oversight. There 
were Negroes in Chile, but their numbers were few, and 
they never constituted a significant racial factor. (This 
does not mean that individual Negroes did not contribute 
to Chilean colonial history. For example, Captain Juan 
Beltran — a Negro settler — became a legendary figure 
during his one-man war against the Araucanians. ) In many 
cases, Negroes were a social factor, however, and some, 
discussion of their legal status would be useful at this 

The original unofficial pattern simply broke society 
down into two categories: Spaniards and Indians. The 
Spanish group included Peninsular Spaniards (gauchupines 

in Chile), criollos or American-born Spaniards, and "" 
legitimate mestizos. The Indians were subjects of the 
Crown and classified as free vassals. The chiefs were 
granted the noble rank of hidalgo, but more often than 
not, they were included in the free vassal category. 
Theoretically, therefore, Indian society was put on a par 
with the Spaniards. In actuality, the Indians' legal 
status was governed not only by his own leaders and customs, 
but also by his Spanish superiors of whatever rank. Thus, 
his liberties and obligations viere designated specifically 
and freedom of movement in general was restricted, "^^ 

The other group considered to have special status was 
that of the Negro slaves. These people had already earned 
certain rights because of the long-term practice of slavery 
on the Peninsula. Moreover, the laws and regulations re- 
garding their treatment and their own well being had long 
been spelled out. Finally, in addition to these certain 
and specific rights, they. could be manumitted under certain 
conditions. Obviously, because of the preferential treat- 
ment accorded to the Negroes in most cases, the Spaniards 
did their best to keep them apart from the Indians. The 
Spaniards claimed that the Negroes either bullied or v/ere 
a corrupting influence on the natives, and laws were passed 
to restrict Negro-Indian racial contact. ^^ 

As far as the mestizos were concerned, the first legal 
restriction of their rights was decreed in 1549, "no 

Mulatto nor mestizo or person who is born out of wedlock 
may be allowed to have encomienda Indians." According to 

Moerner, therefore, the vrords "mestizo" and "illegitimate"' 

1 7 
had become synonymous. Of course, this situation did not 

prevail in Chile which was still in the early stage of 
conquest and colonization. As described in the earlier 
chapter on land distribution, mestizos were still an im- 
portant factor in the development of the country. In most 
of the colonies, however, the mestizos' relative position 
in society was beginning to become more and more restricted. 
They were excluded from their positions of Protector of 
Indians, Notary Public, and Chief of the Tribe. In 156 8, 
they ii^ere denied ordainment, but this law was later re- 
scinded and "legitimate-' mestizos could serve in the 
priesthood. -^ ° 

Mestizo vagrancy also became a problem in . the early 
days of the various colonies because m.any of the mixed 
breeds became victims of acculturation, and as outcasts 
could not participate in either Spanish or Indian society. 
They essentially became 16th century street people, home- 
less and ignored. This situation brought about restrictions 
prohibiting mestizo vagrants from living among the Indians 
as recorded in the laws of 1536 and 156 3. In addition, 
as cited earlier, Negro overseers at first (1541) , overseers 
in general, but particularly mestizos (1550), and finally 
encomenderos them.selves (156 3) were banned from living with 


tlieir Indians.-'-^ Of course, the' reason for all of this was 
the general reduction of the Indian population, and the 
increasing rural disorders resulting from vagrancy. In 
general, the Indians and most mestizos within the Indian 
society were happy to be left alone, but the laws more or 

less forced all mestizos to live within Spanish society 

where in many cases they were uncomfortable. 

Finally, no general discussion of race relations 
v/ould be complete without a reference to social stratifica- 
tion and the correspondence of ethnic terms to defined 
strata within the social structure. According to Moerner, 
the legal condition and the social status of the ''castas" 
was as follows : 

A. Legal Condition B. Social Status 

1. Spaniards 1. Peninsular 

2. Indians Spaniards 

3. Mestizos 2. Criollos 

4. Free Negroes, 3. Mestizos 
Mulattos, Zamboes 4. Mulattoes , 

5. Slaves Zamboes, 

Free Negroes 

5. Slaves 

6. Indians 

Obviously, the socioethnic groups fulfilled different 
socioeconomic and occupational functions. In general. 
Peninsular Spaniards performed the role of government 
bureaucrats and merchants; the criollos were large land 
owners; mestizos were artisans, shopkeepers, and tenants; 

Mulattoes were urban manual workers; and Indians were 
rural workers wit±iin their own society or unskilled hands 
for the Spaniards, There were variations to this 
picture, but, in general, it is correct. 

Eventually, the different "castas" were separated by 
other means such as segregated public rooms, churches, 
public schools, and seating arrangments at public functions, 
In addition, guilds, cofradias, consulados, universities, 
etc., practiced their own kind of discrimination. All of 
these separations occurred more or less after the 15th 
century, however, and are not pertinent to this study. 
The basic model of social stratification should be kept 
in mind and compared to the Chilean example. 


Magnus Moerner , Race Mixture in the History of Latin 
America' (Boston, 1967), p. 3. 


I bid . , p. 5 . 

^Ibid , , P . 7 . 


Enema, Historia de Chile , Vol. 1, pp. 83-84. 

5pedro Pizarro, Relation of the Discovery and Conquest 
of the Kingdoms of Peru (Nev; York, 1921), Vol. 2, p. 406. 

Encina, Historia de Chile , Vol. 1, p. 402. 

^ Ibid . , Vol. 3, pp. 39-40. 

"Moemer, o£. cit. , p. 23. 

9 >' . 
Jose T. Medina, Hist oria del Tribunal de San ta O ficio 

de la inquisi tion en Ch ile' (Santiago, 1952), p. 85. 

-'-^Crecente Errazuriz, Historia de Ch ile. D on Garcia 
de Mendoza, 1557-1561 , pp. 140-144. 

Moerner, 0£. cit . / p. 37. 
12 Ibid. 

■^-•Jose T. Medina, Coleccion de documentos ineditos 
de Chile , Vol. 3, pp. 268-269. 

■■-^Schurz, 0£. cit. , p. 177. 


■^■^Moerner, og_. cit . , p. 41, 

l^Ibid. , p. 43. 

I'^ Ibid . 

-'-^Ibid. , p. 44. See also Tomas Thayer Ojeda, "Resena 
historico-biografica de los eclesisticos en el 
descubrimiento y conquista de Chile," Re vista Chilena de 
Historia y Geografia , Nos . 37 and 38, 1920-1921. 



19 •- 

Moerner, op_. cit. , p. 46, 

2°Ibid. , p. 47, 

21lbid. , p. 60. 

22ibid. , p. 61. 


My own search for additional material in the Chilean ■ 
National Library to be used in constructing a social model 
for tlae colonial period was relatively unsuccessful. For- 
tunately, Luis de Roa y Ursua in his El reyno de Chile , 
1535 - 1810, J.T. Medina in his Diccionario bio grafico^ 
colonial de Chile , and Tomas Thayer Ojeda in his Formacion 
de la sociedad chilena y censo de la pob l acion de Santiago 
en los anos 15 40 a 156 5 , have provided colonial historians 
with an excellent collection of raw data. All collections 
were compiled from material located in the Archive de la 
Real Audiencia de Santiago, the Archive Antiguo de la 
Biblioteca Nacional , the Archives de Indias de Sevilla, the 
Archivo Nacional de Chile, the Archive del Arzobispado de 
Santiago, the Coleccion de documentos inedites para la 
historia de Bspana, and the Coleccion de documentos ineditos 
para la historia de Chile . This information could be an- 
alyzed by using computer techniques, and family relation- 
ships and marriage relationships for several generations 
could be determined. 

There are many problems involved in using this raw 
data, however. The first is that many of the Spaniards 
listed never lived in Santiago. Many others lived in the 


city only a short time, then moved to the south, settled 

in Tuciiman, or migrated to a coastal area in the north. 
Finally, there is a confusion of names in colonial society. 
As Vicuna Mackenna comments, "the genealogical study of 
Chile is a virtual tower of Babel." The greatest problem., 
however, is that there were so many mestizo children pro- 
duced by the conquerors — legitimate and illegitimate — 
that many decided to make up their own names after rivers, 
mountains, etc., or claimed kinship with one of the con- 
querors . 

The fifty legitimate sons of Francisco Aguirre are a 
case in point. One other exam.ple is the situation of Juan 
Rodufo Lisperguer who was married three times and produced 
twenty children. From his first wife, Maria de la Torre y 
Machado, there were four children -- Pedro Lisperguer 
Betambergue, Fermm de Lisperguer y Machado, Aguedo Flores 
Lisperguer, and Maria Clara de Velasco. From the second 
wife, Catalina de Irarrazabal y Andia, he had nine chil- 
dren — seven sons and two girls. Almost all of them 
carried the family name Andia except the oldest girl who 
was named Antonia de Velasco y Estrada. His third wife 
was Ines de Aguirre y Cortes , and his children from her 
added more family names. At the end of the 17th century, 
therefore, the decendants of Juan Lisperguer had ten dif- 
ferent family names including Lisperguer, Flores, Velasco, 
Betembergue, Machado, Estrada, Irarrazabal, and Andia. 


Adding to the family name problem is the fact that the 

conqiiserors of Chile had outstanding longevity and conse- 
quently outlived several wives. In fact, of the men who 
journeyed to Chile with Valdivia, one lived more than 100 
years, six from eighty and ninety, nineteen from seventy 
and eighty, and twenty- three from sixty and seventy. A 
most unusual record for those perilous times. 

The problems of tracing a genealogical chart aside, 
some sort of social model has to be constructed as clearly 
resembling the Santiago situation as possible. Basically, 
their pre-Santiago status not withstanding, one would sup- 
pose that the original conquerors would constitute the 
colonial aristocracy as long as they held encomiendas and 
had a solar in the city. Of the original 150 men and one 
woman in Valdivia 's band, more than half were either killed 
by iBdians, executed for crimes, died another type of vio- 
lent death or left the country. The remainder — as cited 
before — lived out their lives in the colony in one ca- 
pacity or another and they are the primary interest for the 

social model. 

The Spanish regional background for all of these con- 
querors was as follows: 

Audalusians ■ 26 percent 

New Castilians 16 percent 

Extremadurans 14 percent 

Leons 13 percent 



Old Castilians^ — .,__-,..._,^,_,^ — —11 percent 
Galicians, Valencians, 
Catalans , Navarres , 
AragonesSr Asturians, 

and Canary Islanders ^ 12 percent 

Foreigners — -■^' •"-' — ^- 8 percent 

According to an analysis of the Chilean situation by 

■Francisco Frias ^ the Audalusians , old Castilians, and the 

Extremadurans (55%) formed the first Santiago aristocracy. 

The old Castilians and the Leons (24%) gravitated to the 

provinces where they formed the well to do class. 

In any case, if these men, in one degree or another, 
formed the aristocracy of the country, where did the other 
inhabitants fit in? According to Thayer, these original 
Spaniards sired a total of 226 "legitimate"- mestizo chil- 
dren. Thayer calculates that each Spaniard was responsible 
for an average of one mestizo child per year. This rate 
would have led to the production of more than 20,000 
mestizos by the year 1565, by which time only 1,500 
Spaniards had settled in the whole colony, and probably 
not more than 500 lived in Santiago. In addition by 1565, 
the mestizo sons and daughters of the conquerors were of 
child-producing age themselves and began to contribute to 
the population mixture. 

All of the figures mentioned, in fact, may be too low. 
According to Encina, who quotes Ovalle's calculations of 
1642, fertile Araucanian women usually produced an average 
of four sons in their lifetime. Probably, an equal number 
of daughters were born indicating that each Indian woman 



may liave had as many as 10 children in her lifetime. Of 

course, the high rate of infant mortality reduced this 
total considerably. Encina then estimates that approxi- 
mately 40,000 mestizos V7ere born between 1542 and 1598. 

Tliis figure is contrasted v/ith the number of Spanish male 

arrivals in the colony between 15 40 and 159 8 — 3,6 00. 

The situation, by any estimate, was one in v/hich the number 
of mestizos was increasing rapidly^ the number of pure 
Indians was decreasing at a fast rate because of a typhus 
epidemic and the natural depopulation associated with over- 
work. The mestizo becamie the cement holding the population 

The problem of creating a population cross section for 
Santiago, therefore, is very complex. What I have done, in 
effect, is to develop an index biography of the original 
150 Spaniards and their decendants in order to catalog the 
mest-izo progeny of the original group by profession, legal 
office attained, property owned, or notoriety. This whole 
process essentially is an analysis determining the status 
position of the various individuals. The system is a var- 
iation of that developed by Stephanie Blank in her study 
of 17th century Caracas. Basically, her method measures 
individuals by various economic, political, and social 

factors such as possession of land grants or encomienda 

1 2 

Indians, formal political power, and social prominence. 

In Chile, the system has to be extended to include military 



My exercise, therefore, fundamentally consists of de- 
ciding if the mestizo son or daughter of the original con- 
queror and their decendants either maintained his or her 
father's position in society, declined in status, or rose 
above the founding father in prominence. This supposes 
that all mestizos had an equal opportunity to achieve im- 
portance — a condition that is simply not true. Many were 
endowed with m>ore intelligence than others. Some had 
greater fighting ability. And some had greater luck or a 
more famous or well-to-do father. In any case, the fol- 
lowing selected biographic sketches and genealogical de- 
velopment of those conquerors having mestizo children il- 
lustrate the place of mestizo aristocratic progeny in 
Santiago society. All sketches do not have to be perused, 
and this section can be treated more or less as an annex. 
It is important, however, to note the relative position of 
the mestizos vis-a-vis their fathers and their Spanish 
brothers and sisters. Another theme can be developed by 
noting the location of family houses during the generations. 
As a general rule, the more prominent a man became in colo- 
nial society, the closer he moved his family to the central 
plaza. A convenient locater map is provided as an annex to 
test this theory. 

-- ■■ • Sketches 

Francis co de Aguirre - Aguirre was born in Spain in 

150 8, and was a noted caballero by the time he arrived in 


Chile with Valdivia. He. was named alcalde ^ o rdinario of the 
first Santiago cabildo, and served in this position again 
in 1545 and 1549.. He was named regidor in 1542, 1544, 1546, 
1547, and .factor real 1541-1543. In 1544, he became Gov- 
ernor of Tucuman. He was married in Talaveria de la Reina 
in 1527 to Maria de Torres y Meneses . Their children v/ere 
General Hernando de Aguirre, who arrived in Chile in 155 3 
and initially settled in La Serena; the Maestre de Campo, 
Valeriano de Aguirre; Constanza de Meneses, the wife of 
the conqueror Juan Jufre; and Isabel de Aguirre, the wife 
of the conqueror Francisco de Godoy.-'"^ 

Aguirre acknowledged, in addition to these children, 
more than 50 legitimate mestizo decendants . The most im- 
portant was Captain Marco Antonio Aguirre who lived in 
Santiago in 155 8. His father named him vecino encomendero 
of Santiago de Estero. Later, he moved his fairdly to La 
Serena and Copiapo where he was awarded the title , Captain 

and given a vineyard as a reward for his service in the 

southern war. His importance is in the fact that, al- 
though he was a mestizo, he could receive an encomienda and 
could aspire roughly to the same social level as his 
father's legitimate Spanish children. Don Francisco and ' 
his family, Spanish and mestizo, lived in block two on the 
Plaza Mayor in Santiago,-*-^ 

Francisco de Arteaga - Arteaga was the hidalgo son of 
Juan de Aluna and originated from Legorreta in Gulpuzcoa. 


He assisted in the fourxding of Santiago and was regidor of 
the city in 1542. He maintained his encoroienda when 
Valdivia reduced the nuinber in the Santiago area. He died 
in the city in 1546. His mestizo son, Melchor de Arteaga, 
lived in the city and became a monk at the church of San 
Francisco. 1^ 

Juan Bohon - Bohon was a hidalgo of German origin v/ho 
arrived in Peru in 1534. He was with Valdivia during the 
trek to the south, and served as Regidor of Santiago's 
first cabildo in 1541. Later, he assisted in the founding 
of La Serena, and was killed near there in the Copiapo 
Valley in 1548. His mestizo son Juan was named alcalde 
mayor of mines in the Santiago and La Serena areas in 15 79. 

Juan also served in -che army in the southern war before 

dying in 1591. His residence in the city was block 56, 

. solar tv7o. 

Juan de Cabrera - Cabrera was born in 1478 and served 
under Pizarro in Peru. He joined Valdivia later in the 
conquest of Chile. In 1553, he moved to Concepcion and 
became an encoraendero vecino of that city. He was killed, 
howsver, two years later during an Indian uprising. His 
mestizo son Hernando was born in 1539 in Peru. Hernando 
was one of the first military men to return to Concepcion 
after the disaster of 1555 and buried his father. He be- 
came an encomendero of Osorno in 1562, and later of 
Santiago. He was named Captain and corregidor of Concepcion 


in 1590, and died xn 1612, Juan Cabrera's mestiza 

daughter, Ana, in 1566, married Francisco Sanchez de 

Merlo, a noted ecclesiastic, who had come, to Santiago in 


Alonso Caro - Caro was a member of Aguirre's original 

troop from Peru- He was a resident of Santiago until 15 49 

when he was killed by Indians near the city. His mestizo 

son Juan was born between 1539 and 1541 and served as a 

soldier in the southern war. He lived in Santiago in 1564, 

but later moved to Concepcion v;here he had an encomienda. 

He married Luisa de Cardenas, the daughter of Alonso and 

Leonor Galiano. (Leonor was a freed Moorish slave.) Luisa 

, herself had been seGretly married to Pedro Guerra who died 

in 156 3. She married Domingo de Onate in 1561 while still 


marrxed to Guerra. Pedro de Villagra was later accused 

of affirming this marriage of his friend Onate despite the 

2 3 

fact that Luisa was already married. In any case, al-- 

though there is no record, Luisa must have been a beautiful 
woman because there were always suitors after her charms. 
Luis de Cartagena - Cartagena was born in Granada in 
1513. He arrived in Lima in 1537, and left Cuzco with 
Valdivia in 1540, He served in the expedition as writer 
and secretary. In 1557, he moved from Santiago to La 
Serena where he was given an encomienda of Indians. He 
then married the mestiza, Isabel de Zurbano, possibly the 
daughter of the conqueror Juan de Zurbano. Their son 


Andres de Cartagena was a soldier and occupied a chacra in 
tiie Santiago area. One of sons, Captain Juan de 

Cartagena, had a large estancia near San Antonio in the 

next generation. Luis de Cartagena's daughter Ana 

married Juan Paez, one of Aguirre's companions in Tucuman. 

Paez later lived in La Serena where he v/as regidor and 

alcalde ordinario. The Paez children later married into 

/' ^ 25 

the famous Garcia de Caceres and Godoy families. 

Alonso de Cordoba ~ Cordoba was born in 150 8. He 
was one of the founders of Santiago and one of the city's 
first vecino encomenderos . In 1550, he returned to Spain 
where he was named a member of the nobility by the King. 
He arrived back in Santiago in 1555 and served the city as 
regidor in 1556, 1558, 1561, 1563, 1564, 1568, 1572, 1578, 
and 1580. He was also alcalde ordinario in 1559, 1562, and 
1581, and procurador in 1557. He was married to Olalla de 
Merlo de Valdepenas and had two children: Captain Alonso 
de Cordoba and Luisa de Cordoba. He also had three other 
children including Captain Juan de Cordoba, a mestizo born 
between 1544 and 1545. Captain Juan married Dona Jeroniraa 

de Ahumada, the mestiza daughter of Governor Augustin de 

Ahumada, The family lived in block four, solar three by 

2 7 
the year 1600. The Aliumada ' s daughter, Teresa, married 

Captain Martinez de Vergara, a descendant of the conquis- 
tador of the same name.^^ Alonso 's daughter, Catalina, 
married Pedro Lopez, a mestizo tailor living in Santiago. 


Alonso was also the father of another mestiza and the 

mulatto Pedro de Cordoba, neitrier of which apparently were 

significant in Santiago society. 

Juan Crespo - Crespo was the mestizo son of Miguel 

Crespo de Mazariegos and .participated in Balboa's search 

for the Pacific Ocean in Panama. He accompanied Valdivia 

to Santiago in 1541. Apparently, he had a liaison v/ith a 

mestiza because his son, Juan Crespo, is characterized as 

being either mestizo or part Indian. In any case, Governor 

Valdivia in 1545 allowed him to keep his father's chacra in 

Santiago. He lived in block eight, solar four in the 

city until 1566. ^-'■ 

Gabriel de la Cruz - Cruz v/as born in Toledo in 1516 

and accompanied Pizarro to Peru. He was with Aguirre's 

band during the Atacama campaign, and was rewarded for his 

exploits by being granted an encomiienda near Santiago in 

1541. He also had a chacra near the school in the location 

of the agricultural school today. He was named regidor of 

the city in 1545. Later, he was involved in Valdivia 's 

trial as one of the Governor's accusers. As a result of 

this mistake in judgement, he lost his property in 

Santiago. There is no record of him having a Spanish 

wife, but he did have mestizo children. Among them are 
Beatriz de la Cruz who married Francisco Gomez de las 
Montanas . Francisco Gomez was the mestizo son of the con- 
queror Pedro Gomez. Francisco was the actuary of Canete 


in 1559, and the procurador de causas in Santiago for more 
than thirty years. Later, he was corregidor of the Indian 
towns of Aconcagua, Curimon, Putaendo, and Co lima. One of 
his sons became a priest at the end of the century.^ 
Gabriel's other daughter, Maria, married Captain Juan 
Alvarez de Luna, a wealthy Spaniard who arrived v/ith twenty 
soldiers and their families in his own ship in 1555. 
Alvarez was named maestre de cam.po in 15 81. His son was 
apparently wealthy enough to donate several large estancias 
to the Convent of San Agustxn. 

Diego Delgado - Delgado is one of the interesting ex- 
ceptions among the original conquerors . He arrived in 
Chile in 1540, and had a background as a miner rather than 
a soldier. He was one of the founders of Imperial, hov/- 
ever, and a regidor of that city in 1558. He resided in 
Santiago in 1565. His mestizo son, Pedro, was a soldier, 

apparently of lower rank, and lived in Canete in 1569 and ' 

Imperial in 1601. 

Garcia Diaz de Castro - Diaz was born in 150 8, and was 

with Almagro during the first expedition to Chile. Later, 

he joined with Valdivia. He was a vecino encomenderd of La 

Serena, and held several official positions in that cabildo 

at various times including regidor, alcalde ordinario, and 

tesorero real. He was married to Dona Bartola Diaz de la 

Coya, the niece of the Inca of Peru and the cousin of Dona 

Beatriz Clara Coya, the wife of Governor Onez de Loyola. 


Their children included: Captain Ruy de Castro ^ who was 
Governor, Quiroga^s valet as a young man and later a vicino 
encomendero of La Serena. One of Diaz's other children 
was Catalina Diaz de Castro, v/ho was married to Governor 
Caspar de Medina. One of the sons of this union was 

Garcia de Medina whose family ultimately was associated 

• 37 

with the famous Chilean family of Martinez de Prado. 

Garcia' s other daughter was Dona Mayor Diaz de Castro, who 

was married to Juan Gonzales and two others in her life- 

Mateo Diez - In a case similar to that of Diego 
Delgado, Diez was an artisan or tradesman — in this case 
a blacksmith. He was alcalde of the mines at Malga-Malga 
in. 1550, and later an encomendero m Valdivia in 1560. '^ 
His mestizo son, Juan, was unable to duplicate his father's 
prominence and was a carpenter in Villarica. 

Pero Esteban - Esteban was born in 1516 and arrived in 
Chile with Valdivia in 1540. He was a vecino founder of La 
Serena and regidor of the cabildo there in 1547. Later, he 
was alcalde ordinario of Concepcion (1550) and an enco- 
mendero in Imperial in 1556. He was killed by Indians in 

1560. His mestizo son, Andres, married Magdalena de Mesa, 

the mestiza daughter of Juan Mesa, a citizen of Santiago.^" 

Juan Fernandez de Alderete - Alderete was born in 150 3 

and came to the New World in an expedition to the island of 

Cubagua in 1534. He joined in the expedition to Chile in 


the company of Bohon and Villagra, and joined with Valdivia 
at Tarapaca. He was one of the original members of the 
Santiago cabildo and served as alcalde ordinario nine times. 
He was also one of the original encomenderos of Santiago 

and maintained his position after the 1545 reduction. In 

1545, he had a chacra in Tobalaba. In 155 3, he donated 

his town house, which was located near Santa Lucia (block 

. , . 44 
two) , to the Franciscans. His mistress was a Peruvian 

Indian, Juana Xicana. Their daughter, Ines de Alderete, 
V7as later married to Captain Juan de Barros, who had ar- 
rived in Chile in 155 7, and received from his father-in-law 
the encomiendas of Tango, Mai loco, Tobalaba, and Ligueimo. 

He was regidor of Santiago in 1567 and 1573, and alcalde 

. . 45 
ordmario m 1576. The family lived in block twenty-six, 

solar three in 160 7; block forty-nine, solar four in 15 85; 

block fifty-six, solar three in 1566; and block fifty- 

4 6 
seven, solar three in 1563. One of the Barros children. 

Captain Juan de Barros Alderete, who lived in block sixteen, 

solar three in 1596, inherited all of the encomiendas and 

passed them on to his son Captain Juan de Barros Araya who 

died in 1625,'*' Juan de Barros Alderete was married to 

Dona Maria de Araya, the daughter of Captain Marcos Veas 

Duran and Ines de Araya. His daughter was married to 

4 « 
another Captain. ^° The Alderete family, therefore, is 

certainly an example of Indian blood being diluted by sub- 
sequent marriages witli Spaniards until all traces of native 
ancestry have been removed. 


Bartoloxne Flores - Floras was born in Nurenberg, 
Germany, in 1506 the son of Juan Bl-amen and Agueda Jubert, 
He arrived in Lima in 1537, and journeyed to Santiago 
with Valdivia in 1541. He was procurador of the city in 
1541, 1545, and 1547. He was also mayordomo in 154 8. 
Flores was a carpenter by profession, and built many 
benches, carts, and other objects for the city government. 

He also owned the first mill in the Santiago area which 

*» 49 

was located north of Santa Lucia. He died in 15 86. 

His mestiza daughter, Bartola, married successively 

Francisco Hernandez Gallego, Pedro Bonal, and Francisco 

de Urbina — the first two were original conquerors . ^'^ 

Hermandez was a miner at Malga-Malga where he had an enco- 

mienda. Bonal was a vecino founder of Concepcion where he 

also had an encomienda. He was killed in the distruction 

of that city in 1555. Urbina was a caballero hidalgo 

who arrived in Chile in 1556. He later became a vecino 

encomendero of Mendoza. Flores' other daughter, Agueda 

de Flores, resulted from his liaison with Elvira, the 

daughter of Chief Talagante. Agueda married Captain Pedro 

Lisperguer , a caballero notorio of background. The 

couple lived in block two in 15 75 and Dona Agueda owned 

this ■ property and block forty-seven, solar four outright 

5 T 

by 1611. -^-^ Lisperguer had arrived in Chile in 1564, and 
was elected regidor of Santiago in 1566, alcalde ordinario 
in 1572, and regidor again in 1574 and 1576. His marriage 

■M 'F rst M^'-REsr I &• r^^« 


with Agueda de Flores is noted as the beginning of one of 
the most important families in colonial Chile. .ZVmong their 
many children were Captain Juan Rodulfo , Captain Pedro 
Lisperguer, Dona Maria Flores, the wife of General Juan de 
Cardenas y Anasco; Don'a CatalinaFlores (the infamous La 
Quintrala, who lived in block forty-seven in 1504)^'^ v/ho 
was married to General Gonz|j.o de los Rios — their 
daughter, Catalina, was married to Don Alonso de Campofrio; 
this family lived in block forty-nine solar three in 159 3 
and block ninety-three in 1590)^ and Magdalena Flores, 
who was married to General Pedro Ordonez Delgadillo. 
This family lived in block sixteen, solar one in 1590.^"^ 
Obviously, the orginal Indian blood had no effect on the 
destination of this famous family. 

Francisco Galdames - Galdames was born in 150 8, and 
probably arrived in the New World in 1534. He accompanied 
Valdivia to Chile in 1540, and became a vecino fundador and 
encomendero of Imperial in 1558. One of his sons, ap- 
parently born of an unknown Spanish wife, was Francisco 
Galdames de la Vega. He was a Captain and vecino enco- 
mendero of Imperial in 1589, and maestre de campo general 
of the Army in 1610. His other son, Diego Galdames, mar- 
ried Lorenza Gonzalez. Their children included Captain 
Juan Galdames de la Vega who married into the famous 
Villalobos family. limy the apellation Vega reappeared in 
this family is unknown, but it could indicate that Francisco 

c p 

Jr. was a mestizo. 

Juan Gallegos de Ru- bias - Gallegos was born in 1510, 
and came to Santiago witti Valdivia in 1540. He was a 
vecino encomendero of' Imperial and procurador of that city 
as well as its regidor in 1554 and 1564, and alcalde 

ordinario in 1559 and 156 3. He lived in block eight, solar 

four in Santiago in 1561. His mistress was a Peruvian 

Indian named Juana, Their children included, Juan de 

Rubias, an evangelical clergyman who married Dona Mencia 

de Acuna, the daughter of Captain Luis Barba and Dona Mencia 

de Torres. This particular m.arriage was the most notable 


case of a mestizo marrying a Spanish woman in Chile. 

Pedro de Gamboa - Gambca joined Valdivia 's expedition 
at Tarapaca and accompanied the Governor to Santiago in 

1540. He apparently was one of the older members of the. 

6 2 

expedition and died in 1552. One of his raestiza daugh- 

ters, Isabel de Bamboa, married Francisco de Ortega a 
blacksmith and shopkeeper in Santiago. One of their 

children was Captain Francisco de Gamboa y Ortega, who , 

married Dona Catalina de Artaza — the daughter of Juanes 

de Artaza a regidor of Tucuman. Pedro Gamboa 's other 

daughter was married to Luis Perez de Canseco, a merchant 

in La Serena. One of their children later became a priest 

in Santiago. °^ 

Giraldo Gil - Gil arrived in the Indies in 15 34, and 

came to Santiago with Valdivia in 1540. He was a tailor by 

profession. He married a Moorish slave, Juana de Lezcano, 


who the characteristic slave brands on her face. Gil 
later became a citizen of Concepcion and had an encomiendo 
of Indians in Itata. He was killed in the distruction of 
Concepcion in 1555. His son, Giraldo, inherited his enco- 

inienda, but was himself subsequently killed in combat in 

156 4. Gil's daughter, Barbola Gil, married Marcos Griego 

Seriche a carpenter in Santiago, The family lived in 

block thirty-six, solar one from 15 86 to 160 7.^ Their 

children included Jose Seriche, Melchor Seriche, Ines 

Marcela, the wife of Miguel de Utrera; Catalina Gil, and 

Mariana de la Rosa, who married Gonzalo Alvarez and moved 

into the old family homestead in 15 86, Gil's other 

daughter maintained the working class relationship of 

the family by marrying Vicente Jimenez, a Santiago lathe 

maker. ' 

Juan Godmez - Godmez was born in Ubeda, Jaen , in 

1517. He came to the Indies in 1532, and became a part of 

the Almagro expedition. Later, he joined Valdivia and took 

part in the founding of Santiago in 1541. He was a vecino 

encoraendero of the city and served as regidor, procurador, 

and alcalde ordinario. He lived in block thirty-four, solar 

four in 1554, and passed the property on to his son Juan 

Godinez de Benavides, He also lived in block forty-three, 

solar two in 1556. He married Dona Catalina de Monsalve 

de la Cueva. Among their children were Captain Juan Godinez 

de Benavides, who inherited his father's encomienda, and 


Dona Ana Mejia, the wife of General Don Alvaro de 
Villagra. Godmez'' mestiza daughter, Leonor Godmez, 
married the actuary, juan Hurtado, Symbolic, perhaps, of 
this family's good standing is the fact that Dona Leonor 

donated block thirty-three, solar two to the Company of 

Jesus in 160 4. Hurt ado served as Actuary for the city 

from 1561 until his death in 159 5. He was also a merchant 

in the city and was elected regidor of the cabildo in 15 81, 

1587 j^ 159 2, and alcalde ordinario in 159 2. The marriages 

of their children are probably the most illustrative of 

the inbreeding of Santiago society by the turn of the 

century. Captain Juan Hurtado married in 159 7 with Dona 

Jeronima Justiniano and lived in block thirty-four. 

Dona Beatriz de Hurtado married Captain Juan Perez de 

Caceres . Dona Catalina de Hurtado married in 15 80 with 

vecino encomendero , Captain Juan de Ahumada. This family 

lived in block four, solar three in 1605, block thirty-nine, 

solar' one from 1588 until 1605, and block eighty-three out- 

right until 1590. Their daughter married Pedro de 

Contreras Aranda Valdivia and lived in bloc sixty-three in 

1609. Their descendants were Don Tomas de Contreras Aranda 

Valdivia, Don Raimundo Contreras, and Dona Catalina de 

Ahumada. Returning to Leonor Godinez' final daughter, 

Dona Angela de Hurtado, she married initially with Juan de 

Torres and later with Captain Andres Hernandez de la 

7 8 
Serna. In every case, another aristocratic Santiago 

family was added to the Godmez-Hurtado family tree- 

Juan- Gom ez^de Almagro -. Gomez was born in 1517, and 
came to Peru where he was a vecino encomendero of Lima. He 
made the trek to Chile x«.th Valdivia, however, and became 
the first alguacil mayor Santiago. He was named regidor 
perpetuo of the cabildo in 1550, and had encomiendas of 
Indians at TopcaJjua, Palloquier, and Gualauquen. He later 
moved to Imperial where he became alcalde ordinario in 1554. 
Later, he returned to Santiago and finally traveled all the 
way back to Spain in 156 4. He was immortalized in the poem 
"La Araucana." He was married to Dona Frances ca de 

Escobedo in 1561 and had one son. Captain Juan de 

Pdvadeneira, He also had one mestizo son as a result 

of his liaison with a Peruvian Indian, Cecilia Palla. ^° 

The son, named Alvaro Gomez, became a priest in Santiago 


and lived in La Chimba. 

Pedro Gomez de las Mont anas - Gomez was a noble, who 
went to the Indies before 1530, and served Alonso de 
Alvarado in the discovery of the Chachapoyas, In 15 41, he 
was with Valdivia in Santiago and was wounded in a battle 
with the Indians. He had an encomienda at Quinel near 
Concepcion. He was a regidor of that city and was killed 

in tlie battle of 1555. He was married to Dona Leonor de 

82 y 

Rueda and had two children. One was Captain Alonso Gomez 

de Montanas , and the other was Jeronima who was married to 
Captain Francisco Ramirez de la Cueva. He also had a 
mestizo son named Francisco Gomez de las Montanas. This 

mestizo was procurador da las causas in Santiago for more 
than th-irty years and was corregidor of the Indian towns 
of Aconcagua, Curimon, Putaendo, and Colima. He was mar- 
ried to Beatriz de la Cruz, the daughter of the conqueror 
Gabriel de la Cruz. The family lived in block two A, 
solar one in 1601; block seven, solar three from 15 85 to 
1605; block eighty-one, solars one and two in 159 9, block 

117 in 1586, and also had a solar donated to them by the 

cabildo in 1578. Their children included Dona Micaela de 

Ruisenada, the wife of Gonzalo Lopez; Francisco Gomez de 

Ruisenada, presbiter, Diego Gomez de las Montanas ; Jeronimo 

^ 85 

Gomez, and Juan Antonio de la Cruz. 

Juan Gomez de Yev enes - Gomez was born in 150 8, and 

came to Chile with Valdivia in 1540. He was a vecino of 

In^erial in 1552, Santiago 155 8-1559, and a vecino enco- 

mendero of San Juan 1562-1574. His mestiza daughter, 

Juana, was married to Juan de Contreras , who arrived in 

Chile in 1560. Later the family moved to Mendoza V7here 

he was named regidor in 15 74 and again in 15 83. 

Juan Gonzales - Gonzales was born in 1518, and arrived 

in Chile with Valdivia in 1540. He became an alcalde 

ordinario of La Serena in 1554, and regidor in 1555 and 

1563. He later was a vecino of Tucuman. His mestizo son, 

Juan, was an army lieutenant in La Serena and married a 

Spanish girl, Isadora de Caceres of the influential Caceres 

family. ^^ \ 

•."■^Ifs— 3:«*i»>"-»i'ii»iR.i«w»»?=fc?^i'=^»».fieii!i± 


■ Psdro Gonzalez de Utrera ^ Gonzalez arrived in Peru in 
1537, and accompanied Valdivia to Santiago in 1540. He was 
given a chacra by the catiildo in 1546, and had an encomienda 
in the Santiago area. He had three mestizo children: Pedro 
Gonzalez, Rodrigo de Utrera, both relatively imknown.^^ 
His daughter, Beatriz, however, was married to Bartolome de 
Medina, one of the conquerors of Tucuman.^'^ One of their 

children was Alonso Gonzalez de Medina, a second lieutenant 

9 1 
m the army. 

Garcia Hernandez - Hernandez was born in 1510, and 
arrived in Santiago in 1540. He lived in block twenty-one, 
solar one in 1556, block twenty-eight, solar two in 1556, 

and block forty-two, solars one and three in the same 

year. He was mayordomo of the city in 1554, procurador 

in 1556, regidor in 1555, 1558, 1566, and 1568. He was 
married in 1560 to Isabel Garcia, the mestiza daughter of 
Captain Diego Garcia de Caceres.^^ Garcia was one of the 
first vecino encomenderos of Santiago and was regidor 
perpetuo of the city from 1550 to 1553. He held numerous 
other offices in the cabildo from 1553 \intil 1583.^^ Among 
Garcia and Isabel's more important children were Captain 
Juan Perez de Caceres , a corregidor of Quillota in 160 2, 
160 7, and 160 8. Perez m.arried Beatriz Hurtado , the daugh- 
ter of the contador, Juan Hurtado, and the mestiza, Leonor 

^ 9 5 

Godmez. Another child was Dona Mariana de Cax:eres , the 

wife of Captain Andres Hernandez de la Serna, a vecino 



encomendero of San Juan de la Frontera,'' This family lived 
in block twelve, solar three from 1568 to 159 5, and owned 
block, tliirty-one , solar two in 1615 as well as a vineyard 
near Santa Lucia from 1586. ^"^ The children from the mar- 
riage included Garcia Hernandez de c/ceres , Dona Isabel de 
Carvajal, an Augustinian nun, and Jeronimo Hernandez, a 
Franciscan. Other Perez children included Juana de Caceres , 
who was married to Melchor Hernandez de la Serna. This 
family lived in block thirteen, solar one in 1610, and 
block forty-one, solar four in 1595.^'^ Another Perez was 
Leonor de Caceres, who married Diego de Cisternas, the 
son of Pedro Cisternas — a vecino fundador of Concepcion. ^^ 

Francisco Herna n dez Gallego - Hernandez was born in 
1511,. and arrived in Santiago in 1540. He was a miner at 
Malga-Malga in 154 8. In 1552, he married Bartola Flores, 
the Biestiza daughter of Bartolome Flores . He died in 1554 
with no children.^ 

Pedro de Herrer a - Herrera v/as born between 150 5 and 
1512. He was the mayordomo of Captain Diego de Rojas in 
1533, and came to Chile with Aguirre. He held an office 
in the Santiago cabildo in 1545, moving later to La Serena 
where he was regidor for several years and alcalde ordinario 
in 1558. He died in 1589. He had a mestizo son, Pedro, who 
remained in La Serena and married the criolla, Isabel de 
Narvaez. Pedro's daughter, Juana, married Juan de Gijon, 
a declared traitor who was exiled from Peru to Chile in 

r *« J^t»ww -I w ^ - Ft^skm 


1548. Juan had a solar in La Serena in 1549, and became 
a regidor in the city in 1570. One of the sons of this 
marriage became a priest. -"-^^ A daughter, Juana, married 
Gonzalo de lEoledo, a regidor of Santiago in 159 3 and 
1601. -"-^^ 

Anton Hidalgo - Hidalgo was born between 1512 and 1515. 
In 1539, he v;as vvitli the Diego de Rojas expedition to 
Tarija, and later joined Valdivia at Tarapaca. He moved 
from Santiago to Valdivia in 1559, and later to Imperial. 
He was married to Jeronima Cortes, the mestiza daughter of 
Leonardo Cortes, who had arrived in Chile in 1548.-'^^ 
Cortes was a navy captain, who had been directed by the 
Crown to search for and destroy Sir Francis Drake. -'■'^^ Anton 
Hidalgo's other children also included Captain Francisco 
Hidalgo Cortes, and Juan Hidalgo, who served as an inter- 
preter with the army.-"-^^ 

J uan Jufre - Jufre was a hidalgo from Medina de 
Rioseco. He was born in 1516, the legitimate son of 
Francisco Jufre and Candida de Montesa, the aunt of 
Governor Villagra's wife. He arrived in Peru in 1537, 
and joined Valdivia at Tarapaca for the journey to 
Santiago. He was elected regidor of the city in 1551, 
1556, 1557, and 1560. In 1561, he was designated as 
Teniente Governor of Cuyo. He was corregidor of Santiago 
in 1561 and 1562, later becoming Teniente and Captain of 
the City. In addition to his military' prowess and honors. 

Jufre is noted for his v/ealth which he gained because of 
his entrepreneural talents. Plis various business ventures 
included ownership of a flour mill on the Mapocho River 
and a bakery. In addition to several important Spanish 
children born from his marriage in 1555 to Constanza de 
Meneses, the daughter of Francisco Aguirre and Maria de 
Torres, he had several mestizo children. "'"^^ These include 
Captain Rodrigo Jufre, who served more than twenty years 
in the army, and' married Maria de Aguirre, yet another 
daughter of Francisco Aguirre in 15 8 3."'-°^ The family lived 
in block sixteen, solar one in 1590; block fifty-four, 
solar four in 1615, block eighty-three , solar four in 1574, 
and block 113, in 15 85.^°^ Their daughter, Maria de 
Aguirre, married Jorge Delgadillo Barba and later Francisco 
Venegas de Sotomayer. -'-'^^ 

F rancisco de Leon - Leon was born in 1513, and came to 
the Indies in 1535. He joined Valdivia in 1540, and became 
an encomendero in Santiago at first and later in Concepcio^. 
He was married during a subsequent trip to Spain to Maria 
Lopez de Ahumada and returned to Santiago in 155 5 taking 
a job as a grave digger at the church of San Francisco. '^"'•^ 
He lived in block thirty-five, solars three and four from 
1556 to 1559 and in block fifty-eight, solar four until 
1591. His mestiza daughter, Juana Diaz de Leon, mar- 
ried Tomas Gallegos , a seaman of the navy of Pedro de 
Malta. Their children were not out of their adolescence 
until after 1600."^-^^ 

147 - 

■Pedro Martin Pa rr_as^ - Martin V7as born in Extremadura 
in 1515. He arrived in Santiago with. Valdivia and became 
the first concierge of the city; later the alguacil alarife, 
and fche jue2 de aguas . He married Elvira NuSez, the mestiza 
daughter of the conqueror, Diego Nuiiez de Castro. Their 
daughter, Elvira Parras , was married to the surgeon 
Frarxcxsco Garcia. Other children included Pedro Parras, 
who was married to Maria de Lara, Diego Nunez, Lucia Nunez, 
v/ho was married to Diego Lopez, and Mari Nunez, who was 
married to Bias Pereira.^^ ^he Martin family received all 
of block, fifty-one from the cabildo in 1562, and owned solar 
one outright until 1601. The family moved to block twenty- 
seven, solar one in 1576 and remained their until 1601. 
Later^ block 108 was purchased,-'--'-^ 

Pedro de Miranda - Miranda was a hidalgo from Navarra 
and was born in 1517. He served with Pizarro in Peru, and 
arrived in Santiago v/ith Valdivia. He was a vecino enco- 
mendero of the city, regidor in 1550, 1551, 1553, 1555, 
1558, 1563, alcalde ordinario in 1556, 1559, 1561, 1566, 
procurador 1549-, fiel ejecutor 1550, mayordomo 1552, and 
alferez real in 1558 and 155 8. He was married to Esperanza 
de Rueda and had eight children. Among them was Captain 
Don Pedro de Miranda, Dona Juana de Miranda, who was mar- 
ried to Captain Bernadino de Quiroga, and Dona Ana de Pvueda, 
who was married to Captain Pedro Cisternas de la Serna. 
Miranda also had two mestizo children; Jeronimo tutored his 


.Spanish brother and sisters. He was married to Ana de Dos 
Hennanos and lived in block 10 7 in 15 86; -^ and Catalina 
de Miranda, who was married to Alonso Sanchez, one of the 
original conquerors of Chile who died in the distruction 
of Concepcion in 1555. Catalina was named encomendero 
after her husband's death. She married Bernabe Mejxa 
later and died with him in 15 73. -'--'■^ 

Alonso de Monroy - Monroy was a hidalgo from Salamanca 
and arrived in Peru in 1537, then making the trek to 
Santiago with Valdivia. He V7as named Teniente General of 
the Santiago cabildo in 1541, and served as Valdivia 's 

emissary to Peru on several occasions. His mestizo son 

1 20 
was named encomendero of Imperial in 15 64, 

Diego N-unez de Castro - Nunez came, to Chile with 
Valdivia in 1540, and later lived in Concepcion. -^^^ He 
was married to an Indian named Catalina. -^^^ Their mestiza 
daughter married the conqueror Pedro Martin Parras. 

Juan Nunez de Castro ~ Nunez was a participant -in 
the conquest of Chile. He owned a chacra in the Santiago 
area in 1545, and had a small encomienda. His son, Juan, 
was the concierge of Santiago in 15 85,-^^'^ 

Diego de Pro - Oro arrived in Santiago with Valdivia, 
and became one of the Governor's trusted companions during 
the journey. Later, he became the first corregidor of 
Concepcion, and regidor perpetuo of the city until he was 
killed by Indians in 1553,"'-^^ His mestiza daughter, Isabel, 

Kr»-u>H''<'»'.*. •MiMftifvii* 


married Alonso Lopez de la Arraigada, a much decorated 

soldier who fought in the Concepcion area after the 1555 

disaster. The family lived in Santiago in block forty- 

nine, solar one from 1565 to 159 2, '^ One of the children, 

Jeronimo Lopez de la Arraigada, became a clergyman, and 

another, Dona Ines de la Arraigada married Captain Juan de 

Larrate and later, Captain Nicolas Perez. 

Rodrigo de Quiroga - Quiroga was a hidalgo and was born 

in San Juan de Boime in 1512. In 1535, he arrived in Peru 

and later joined Aguirre's band for the trek to Santiago. 

He was alcalde ordinario of the city in 1548, 1558, 1560; 

regidor 1549, corregidor 1550, 1551, 1552, 1553, 1558; and 

governor of the cabildo after Tucapel. He was interim 

governor of the colony from 156 5 to 156 7 and governor from 

1575 to 1580. He married Valdivia's mistress, Ines de 

/* 12 8 

Suarez, in 1549. They lived in block sixteen, solar 

three from 1556 to 1566. They also owned block forty-eight, 

solars three and four in 156 5 and block eighty-four, which 

was donated to the cxty m 15 75. Quiroga 's mestiza 

daughter, Isabel de Quiroga, married Don Pedro de Avendano, 

who came to Chile with Villagra's transandean expedition 

of 1551. He was a Captain and vecino encomendero of Canete. 


He was killed by Indians m 1561, Isabel was then mar- 
ried to Martin Ruiz de Gamboa, a vecino encomendero of Los 
Confines. They lived in block forty-eight, solars 
three and four from 1565 to 1590, Their daughter, Ines 


de Gamboa de Quiroga, was married to Antonio de Quiroga, a 

caba.llero of Santiago. One of their sons, Rodrigo, be- 
came a Dominican and lived in block forty-eight, solars 
three and four in 159 3. 

Gonzalo de los Rxos - Rios was born in Naveda in 1516. 
He originally was involved with Pedro Sancho de Hoz in the 
plot against Valdivia. Later, he was named vecino enco- 
mendero of Santiago, however, and maintained his encomiendo 
when the number was reduced in 1546. He was mayordomo of 
the city in 1551 and 1553, procurado in 1559, regidor in 
1557, 1572, 1574, 1577, and alcalde ordinario in 1570. He 
married Catalina, the mulatta maid of Ines de Suarez. 
Later, this marriage was nullified and he married Maria de 
Encio Sarmiento of Bayona in.Galicia, His son by this mar- 
riage. General Gonzalo de los Rios , took part in the 
fo\inding of Chilian and later became a vecino encom.endero 
of Santiago. He married Doiia Catalina Flores Lisperguer, 
the daughter of Pedro Lisperguer and the niece of Chief 

Talagante. Their daughter m^arried Alonso Campofrio 

Carva:ia. The family lived in block nine, solar one in 

1609, and block thirty, solar one in 1603. "'•■^^ 

Gabriel de Salazar - Not much is known of Salazar's 
life except that he arrived with Valdivia in 1541. Two of 
his mestizo sons, Andres and Hernando, were soldiers and 
the other, Juan, was a merchant in Santiago. Juan v/as mar- 
ried to Beatriz de Arriola and their son was a priest in 

Santiago in 1582. -'-•^^ Their daughter married Juan Guerra, 
and one of their sons becaine the first Chilean born doc- 

Alonso Sanchez - Sanchez apparently accompanied 
Almagro on the first expedition to Chile. He returned with 
Valdivia in 1540- Later, he was a vecino fundador of 

Concepcion and died in the destruction of the city in 

1555. He was married to Catalina de Miranda, the mestizo 

daughter of the conqueror Pedro de Miranda. After her hus- 
band's death, Catalina was named encomendera of Concepcion 
and married the conqueror Bernabe Mejia.-'-'^^ 

Diego Sanchez de Morales - Sanchez was born in Soria 
in 1514. He arrived in Peru in 15 34, and was instrumental 
in the founding of Cuzco. He joined Valdivia' s expedition 
to Chile in 1540, and was at the founding of Santiago in 
1541. He had an encomienda of Indians in the Huasco area 
and was regidor of La Serena in 1549, 1550, 1552, and 1559. 
He was also alcalde ordinario in 1553 and 1561. He mar- 
ried Dona Ines de Leon de Carvajal in 1563. Their children 
included Captain Diego de Morales, Isabel de Morales, the 
wife of General Miguel Gom.ez de Silva.-^^^ This family 
lived in block sixteen, solar three in 1600.-'-'^'^ Sanchez' 
mestizo children included Bartolome de Morales, Ana de 
Morales, who was married to Caspar Amaya — a wealthy 
Portuguese merchant who ov/ned two ships, and another daugh- 
ter who married Martin Alonso de los Rios.-'-^^ 


Antonio de T arabaj ano - Tarabajano was born in 150 8 in 

Las Navas de Villafranca and arrived in Peru in 1536, He 

took part in tlie founding of Santiago in 1541, and helped 

in the settling of Valdivia, Villarica, and Imperial. In 

1 AC 

1567, he led an expedition to Chiloe, His mestiza daugh- 
ter, Francis ca de Tarabajano, married Agustm Bricen'o, who 
was a notary in La Serena and later a vecino encomendero in 

Santiago." They lived in block twenty, solar one in 

14 8 
1590. Tarabajano 's other daughter. Ana, married Babiles 

de Arellano, the Secretary of Government and regidor of the 

city from 1578 to 1588. They lived in block twenty, solar 

two from 159 to 1605; block 120 from 15 85 to 159 6; and 

owned block 124 in 1585."^ "^ Later, Ana married Don 

Francisco Ponce de Leon, a vecino encomendero of Santiago. 

They lived in block twenty, solar two from 1590 to 1603."^^° 

Luis de Toledo •-, Toledo was born in 1517 and arrived 

in P^ru in 1539. He came to Chile in 1540, and assisted in 

the founding of Santiago and La Serena. He was a vecino 

encomendero of Concepcion and later regidor perpetuo of the 

City. In 1580, he was named vecino encomendero of 

Chilian. In 1554, he married Isabel Meji'a, the mestiza 

daughter of the conqueror Hernan Mejia Mirabal and the 
widow of Francisco Rodriguez de Zamora."*"^^ Their children 
included sargeant major Luis Toledo Mejia, who was instru- 
mental in the settling of Chilian and had a large estate 
in that area; Captain Juan de Toledo, who married Maria 

»*>* £«M«^ -JSi -i M j iW^— L,:^ ■w9(<(* a 


de Sierra Ronquillo; Alonso de Toledo, a soldier in Canete; 

the priest Agustin de Toledo Mejia; Leonor Toledo, who was 

married to Captain Jose' de Castro; Bernadina Toledo who was 

married to Captain Gomez Bravo de Laguna; and Catalina 

Goledo, who was married to Captain Pedro de Sandoval. -"-^-^ 

Hernando de la Torre - Torre was the mestizo son of 

1 Juan de la Torre one of the conquerors of Peru. He v/as 

with Valdivia in Santiago in 1541, and later lived in La 
Serena. 15 4 

Juan Valiente - Valiente was the Negro slave of Alonso 
Valiente. He accompanied Almagro on his expedition in 1535, 
and returned with Valdivia in 1541. In 1546, the Santiago 

j cabildo gave him a chacra in the area. In 1550, he became 

an encoraendero in the Santiago area, and in 1553, he be- 
came a vecino of Concepcion. He married the Negro, Juana 
Valdivia, in 1548 and died fighting Indians at Tucapel. His 

'I son, Pedro Valiente, inherited the encomienda, but was 

dispossessed by Don Garcxa de Mendoza in 156 8, "^^^ 

Sebastian Vazquez - Vazquez was born in 150 7, and ar- 
rived in Peru in 1537. He journeyed with Valdivia to 
Santiago in 1540, and worked in the mines at Malga-Malga in 
1549, then returning to Peru. He journeyed back to 
Santiago in 1556, and became alcalde mayor de minas in 
1564, and vecino of San Juan de la Frontera the following 


year. He had three mestizo sons who lived in the 
Santiago area and a mestiza daughter, Ana, who married a 
citizen of Lima, Juan Martin . "'"^'^ 


One othex Spanish aristocrat who contributed to the 
first family stock of Chile was Diego Garcia de Caceres. 
Garcia was bom of a hidalgo family in Caceres in 1517. 
Ke arrived in Venezuela in 1534, fought against the Indians 
in Peru, and joined Valdivia at Tarapaca. He returned to 
Peru, however, and attempted to get more financial backing 
for the Chilean expedition. As a consequence, he did not 
arrive in Santiago until 1546, He then became a vecino 
encomendero of Santiago. He was also regidor perpetuo of 
the cabildo from 1550 to 1553, aguacil mayor in 1553, 
alferez real in 1555, alcalde ordinario in 1562, and procu- 
rador in 156 8. He was married to Maria Osorio who arrived 
in the colony from Spain in 1555. ■'"^^ Their daughters mar- 
ried Captain Ramirianez de Seravia (block thirty-nine) ,-'-^^ 
Captain Juan de Rivadeneira, and Captain Juan de Ocampo de 
San Miguel. Garcia also had two mestiza daughters — 
Catalina de Caceres, who married Francisco Rubio a rich 
Santiago businessman. The family lived in block twenty-six 
in 1566. Ruble's daughter, Mariana de Caceres, married 
Francisco Hernandez Lancha and lived in block twenty-five, 
solar one from 1578 to 1599.^^^ Another daughter, Juana 

Rubio de Caceres, married Captain Juan de Ahumada 

"I /- p 
Gavilan- Two of their children becam.e priests. They 

lived in block sixty-three, solar two in 1610. "'"^•^ Garcia's 

other daughter, Isabel Garcia, married the conqueror 

Garcia Hernandez and was the mother of Captain Juan Perez 

de Caceres who perpetuated this name.-*-^^ 


Finally, one important marriage in the colonial aris- 
tocracy was that of Gonzalo Marti'nez de Vergara, the il- 
legitimate son of Francisco Martinez — Valdivia's part- 
ner — and the Indian Princess, Mariana Pico de Plata, to 

Teresa de Ahumada. This was another linking of the 

Martinez and Ahumada families. 

Mestizos in the Aristocracy 
Obviously, there are great discrepancies in wealth 
and status even among this cross section of the original 
Chilean aristocracy. Many persons were not in an aristo- 
cratic social or financial status when they arrived in the 
country. Others were not decendants of noble Spanish famd- 
lies. The common ground was reached during the struggle 
against the Indians, the quest for food, and the enco- 
mendero status granted to most of the original conquerors. 
As a result, everyone' started at virtually the same eco- 
nomic and social level. What each person did with his 
lands and his Indians determined his future status- It 
was up to his own initiative. In other words, there was 
very little to interfere with his financial and social ad- 
vancement and, in fact, the togetherness and comradrie of 
the first conquerors was the important determinant. 

As an example of the early social leveling process, it 
was well known in Peru that foreigners could achieve posi- 
tions of honor and command in Chile that were denied to 
them in Lima. The Genoese seaman Juan Bautista Pastene 


became Valdivia'.s captain general of the sea. Vicencio de 
Monte, a Milanese, became a royal treasurer of Chile and 
the German, Bartolome Flores became procurador general of 
Santiago. The situation was such that sailors going from 
Lima to Chile had to oblige themselves specifically to 
make the return trip.-'-^^ 

Another consideration xhere is the economic-sociological 
impact of the Chilean climate. The conquerors, who had es- 
caped the hardships of the homeland and the southern 
Indian wars, naturally sought an outlet for their energy. 
Industry and productive work provided this outlet. Combined 
with the favorable climate, this industry led to a work 
ethic virtually imknown in the other Spanish colonies. 
Economic capacity, in reality, knows no racial or ethic 
bounds. Thus, whether Spanishj mestizo, or Indian, there 

was a common bond among the most productive men in the 

1 fi 7 

Another important factor was that most of the men in- 
volved in the conquest were in the 25 to 35 year age range. 
They were certainly at a prime period of life for sexual 
activity, and it is quite evident that their Spanish wives, 
who remained behind, were soon forgotten at least in sexual 
matters. The hardships endured during the conquest espe- 
cially the poor security situation in the south — prevented 
many Spanish women from joining their husbands. Francisco 
Frias, in fact, estimates that there were not more than 

fifty Spanish woinen in the colony until the latter days of 
the century. Therefore, the only natural way to live was 
with an Indian or mestiza woman. -'-^^ 

Several conclusions can be drawn from the Spanish 
man - Indian woman relationship especially from the raw 
data provided by Thayer Ojeda. The most interesting con- 
cept, as far as Chilean history is concerned, is that the 
Araucanian Indian has no role as an ethnic factor in the 
early colonial aristocracy. The evidence is clear that 
most of the Indians participating in a sexual relationship 
with the Spanish conquerors in the Santiago area were 
either Peruvian yanaconas or local central valley Indians 
such as the Mapuches . There is no evidence that any 
Araucanian woman either married a Spanish conqueror or had 
a child legitimized by the father. The revelation is in- 
teresting in view of Francisco Encina's attempts to show 
that the Gothic background of the conquerors and the 

"quality" Araucanian Indians produced a superior Chilean 
race. 169 

In the second place, in the otlaer colonial areas the 
Indian spouse was soon forgotten when Spanish women ap- 
peared on the scene. There is no evidence in Chile of this 
occurrence. As a matter of fact, there is contrary infor- 
mation indicating that a Spanish conqueror married to a 
Spanish woman more than likely v/ould marry a mestiza after 
his first wife's death. In other cases, an Indian or 


mestiza woman married more than one conqueror leading one 
to conclude that the woman in question was socially ac- 
ceptable to the community as v/ell as being a good wife. 

Despite this position as an acceptable wife, however, 
most Indian women simply became mistresses to the various 
conquerors. Not much is known of this relationship from 
the Spanish point of view except that women were necessary 
for sexual relationship, and certainly provided a diversion 
from more mundane matters. We do not know, however, what 
happened to the Indian girl after the conqueror tired of 
her services. We do know, however, that the children of 
the union were accepted by their fathers — especially the 
daughters — and presumably the children saw to their 
mother's comfort. 

This leads us to a discussion of the mestizo's role 
in the aristocracy. From the evidence presented, it ap- 
pears that the Spaniards doted on their mestiza daughters 
and immediately accepted them as being Spanish. Moreover, 
these girls were married later by aging conquerors — a 
situation resulting in a great deal of intermarriage within 
the aristocracy. They were also married by newly arriving 

hidalgos and caballeros; thus perpetuating the Indian blood 


m the aristocracy. 

In addition to their marriage position, these girls 
had a significant legal status in that they were allowed to 
inherit property and pass it on to their children. This 

159 . . 

seems to be an important factor in keeping property and the 
various encomiendas within the original aristocracy, and 
is certainly one of the reasons why aristocratic suitors 
pursued the wealthy mestiza widows. 

The mestizo sons, on the other hand, in general did 
not fare as well as their sisters. Their road for advance- 
ment was always through the military ranks. Even in this 
endeavor, however, they were limited 'to the grade of Captain 
and there is no evidence of a mestizo becoming a general. 
Certainly, the mestizo military officers acquitted them- 
selves well and were mostly on the same social footing as 
their half brothers in the same family. 

The only other route open for advancement to the 
mestizo child of the aristocrat was through the church. 
There are many examples of mestizos becoming monks, minor 
clergymen, and priests. In fact, the most notable case of 
a mestizo marrying a Spanish woman in the early days was 
the wedding of the evangelical clergyman Juan de Rubias, 
the son of the conqueror Juan Gallegos de Rubias, to the 
Spanxsh daughter or Captain Luis Barba. In general, 
however, mestizos were limited in advancement in the church 
presumably by prejudice and at times by the law. 

Mestizo priests did prove to be particularly useful in 
dealing with the natives especially because of their know- 
ledge of the Indian language. For example, the Archbishop 
of Santiago recommended the mestizo Juan Bias to the 


priesthood because of his language capability. Other im- 
portant mestizo priests were GaJoriel de Villagra, the son 
of General Gabriel de Vaillagra, Juan de Oces , Francisco 
de Aguirre, the son of t-he conqueror, Francisco de Tapia, 

Juan Barga, Jeronimo Bello, Juan Salguero, Juan de Armente, 


and Melchor de Arteaga. 

The mestizo priests who were grandsons of indigeneous 
Chileans were: Garcia Hernandez de C ace res , the son of 
Garcia Hernandez and the mestiza Isabel Garcia de Caceres; 
Marcos Rubio, the son of Francisco Rubio and the mestiza 
Catalina de Caceres; Juan de la Fuente Loarte, the son of 
Pedro de Bxirgos and the mestiza Beatriz de Loarte; Lazaro 
Hernandez de la Serna, the son of Andres Hernandez and the 
mestizi Magdalena de la Serna; Juan Velez de Lara, the son 
of Juan Fernandez and the mestiza Ines de Lara; Rodrigo de 
Gamboa y Quiroga, the son of Marshal Martin Ruiz de Gairboa 
and the mestiza Isabel de Quiroga. Juan de Ahumada, the 
son of Juan de Ahumada and Leonor Hurtado the daughter of 
a mestiza; Juan and Bernardo de Toro Mazote, sons of Gines 
de Toro Mazote and Elena de la Serna — the daughter of a 
mestiza. The following chart shows the probable number of 
conquerors and their sons admitted to the clergy as of 
1580. l'^? 


Secular Clergy Regular Total 

Conquerors 15 25 40 
*Criollo3 ; pure 

blood 100 150 250 

Cuarterones 15 25 40 

Mestizos 10_ 10 10 

Totals 140 210 350 

*Some one/eights blood Mestizos are included in 
this category . 

Finally, one interesting phenomenon of the Spanish- 
Indian-mestizo relationship among the Chilean aristocracy 
is that, although many of the newly created families re- 
mained in Santiago, more journeyed to other cities and 
towns. In these places, they naturally assumed the aris- 
tocratic role and were active in governmental affairs at 
the highest level. They also dominated the ownership of 
land. These families through these colonial connections 
later became the oligarchs that came to dominate both 
colonial and independent Chile. 

It is readily apparent from all of this information, 
that the Chilean aristocracy became a partial product of 
miscegenation. This does not mean that all of the Spanish 
nobility married Indian women and their progeny were inte- 
grated into Spanish-Chilean society. It does mean, howv- 
ever, that Indian blood became an integral part of the 
Chilean aristocracy in the early days, although it was 
diluted as time passed by the infusion of more Spanish 


blood wit±i no comparable replacement of the Indian element. 
It is singificant: that the newly created race, therefore, 
looked more European than Indian, The mestizo was taller, 
had lighter hair, and lighter skin than the Indian from 
the beginning, and even these characteristics became more 
European as time went by. The extent of the mestizo ele- 
ment in the Santiago area can be seen in the statement by 
the eaiinent genealogist, Jose Manuel Astorga, about the 
Lisperguer family. "In Santiago, he, who is not a 
Lisperguer, is a Mulatto. "-'-^'^ 

It is also apparent that a certain amount of ac- 
culturation took place at the aristocratic level in 
society. Indian farming methods were adopted and improved 
upon.^ for instance, and Indian dress was adopted to a cer- 
tain extent. In many cases, there is no doubt that the 
Spanish aristocrat, living with his mistress in his 
Santiago hovel, probably existed in a state more closely 
reseinbling the Indian's subsistence life rather than the 
Spanish life-style that he had left behind in Europe. 

There is no question that the Indian was also assimi- 
lated into Spanish culture at the aristocratic level. The 
adoption of the Church as well as certain elements of 
Spanish life style, customs, and mores are clearly evident. 
Certainly, those Indians selected by the Spaniards because 
of their beauty, talent, or royal Indian blood were absorbed 
by Spanish aristocratic society and all that remained of 


their original Indiap. status was a superficial amount of 
•their old culture. " , 

In dealing with the Chilean aristocracy, some m.ention 
should also be m.ade of the ritual kinship (compadrazgo) and 
patron-client relationships. Through these associations, 
the bulk of the population was able to attach itself to 
the influential aristocrat or sponsor. These unions were 
sealed by a godfather relationship, marriage alliances, or 
business contracts. Essentially, these association were 
designed to provide adequate security, justice, and a 
social fabric distinct from that provided by law. In 
addition, the feudal relationship of mutual obligation was 
carried one step farther. 

Although the priod from ,1541 to 1570 does not com- 
pletely dem.onstrate the development of an elite capable of 
supporting these extra-family connections, one can surmise 
that these associations were evolving, and certainly would 
become important later in the century. 

Stephanie Blank in her study of this relationship in 
Caracas posits that there were two methods for the first 
generation of settlers to structure their unorganized and 
unintegrated nature of their society. One was the marriage 
of the original residents to sisters and older daughters of 
other members of the new urban community. The second was 
through the extended family relationship in which persons of 
lower economic and social standing were related to the basic 

164 - ' 

family through an obligatory connection, possibly as god- 
■ parent — godchild ties or through some economic union. •^'^^ 
The situation in Santiago is difficult to discern 
during this early time because of the paucity of Church 
docuE^ntation. A perusal of the genealogical ties of the 
extended family of several of the early conquerors is very 
revealing, however. For instance, the Lisperguer family 
ultimately included merobers of the Flores , Velasco, 
Beteiabergue, Machado, Estrada, Irarrazabal, Varas, Roco , 
Gormaz/ Lopez, Garcia, and Andia families — all members of 
the Santiago elite. 

Other families also followed this practice of inter- 
marriage. The Aguirre family ultimately was related to the 
families Juf re , Godoy, Pastene, Carvajal, and the Mendoza 
Buitron de Riberos . The family of Pedro de Cisternas was 
related to the Pastenes. The family of Juan de las Cuevas 
was related to the Barriaga, Ureta, Oyarzun, Ramirez, and 
Cardenas families. The family of Lorenzo Suarez de 
Figueroa — he was married to Valdivia's sister-in-law, 
Catalina Ortiz — was related to the Gamboa, Riberos, 
Quiroga, and Mendoza families. Andres Fuenzalida's descen- 
dants were related to the Mendozas, Peraltas, Guzmans , and 
Escobars. Valdivia's brother-in-law, Diego Ortiz Nieto d^, 
Gaete, was related to the Unzueta, Rioseco, Mendez, Montaner, 
Fuenzalida, Arrau, del Rio Zanartu, Moreira, Cifuentes, and 
Menchaca families. The family of Pedro de Miranda was re- 
lated to the Juf re, Miranda, Guzman, Ramirez, and Corbalan 

Tuw^ -r: w=^>c-nJa> 


families, Diego Sanches de Morales' descendants were re- 
Icited to tile Gomez, Chacon, Quiroga, Morales and Pastene 
families. Bartolome de Rojas* Puebla, v/ho arrived in Chile 
in 1501, was the originator of a new line including some 
of the old conqueror families — Carvajal, Meneses , Bravo 
ae oaravia, Gomez, Ortiz, Ahumada, and the Lisperguer fam- 
ilies. The descendants of Diego de Sevillano Silva were 
related to,, the families Salazar, Toledo, Vega, Ureta, 
Perez, Lisperguer, Gaete, and Moreno. The family of Luis 
de Toledo was related to the Herreras , Cuadras , Serranos , 
Sotoraayors, and Errazuriz. These are just a few examples. 
The family ties are quite obvious with the repitition of 
the names Lisperguer, Ahumada, Irrazaval, Barros , 
Valenzuela, Gaete, Ortiz, Jufre, and Pastene . '^'^'^ - ■ • ' 

It is obvious from the preceding list that the most 
prevalent m.ethod fo cem.enting family ties among the con- 
querors was the practice of marr-ying mestizo or Spanish 
'■daughters to other conquerors or newly arrived Spaniards 
of high social standing. This process' facilitated 
mestizaje in Santiago because of the lack of marriageable 
Spanish wom.en. Another method V7as the m.arriage of Indian 
widows of one conqueror to another. The half-brother/ 
half-sister relationships in the next generation v/ere an 
important connective factor. 

Finally, it must be remembered that the individual 
conqueror had a clientel family to begin with, comorised ■ 


of mestizos and Indians so niiinerous that the extended family 
was difficult to total. Included were the wife and her 
children, the concubines and their children, the servants 
and their children, and the numerous slaves and retainers. 
All of these people looked to the conqueror's home as a 
refuge and the family head as their protector. The inter- 
marriage of these compadrazgo and patron-clientel "kin" 
simply increased the total number of people owing fealty 
to the Spanish godfather. -^^^ 

In conclusion, a developing patron-clientel system can 
be discerned in Santiago during this period. Ritual kin- 
ship, blood relationships, and outright dependence pro- 
vided the basis for social integration of the diverse 
peoples of the community. Moreover, the elite group that 
would ultimately control the economic and social life of 
the city was bound into a tight-knit group distinguished 
by the economic, political, and social power it wielded. 

Middle Class 

The middle class in Chile developed along lines sim- 
ilar to the aristocracy. Initially, there was hardly any 
middle class because almost everyone was an encomendero or 
occupied a definite lov/er class position. With the arrival 
of new immigrants especially soldiers, however, the struc- 
ture of society began to change. 

Theoretically, the newly arrived Spaniards — no matter 
what their background — enjoyed a higher legal and social 


status than most of the mestizo element of the population. 
Certainly, their social ranking V7as superior to that of 
the Negroes, Mulattoes , and Indians. Because of the lim- 
ited immigration, the soldier-class roots and mores of the 
new arrivals, and the continuing security problems, most 
of the social constrictions were temporarily set aside. 
(This was particularly true in the zone of conflict in the 
south.) As in the aristocracy, the most important deter- 
mining factor was the lack of Spanish women and the avail- 
ability of attractive mestiza girls as substitutes. 

What constituted the middle class? The most important 
factor among the Spanish element was the fact that its 
members were not encomenderos . Presumably, therefore, all 
Spaniards, who were not encomenderos, fit into this cate- 
gory. There were exceptions, of course, but this rule is 
acceptable as applied to the early days of the colony. In 
addition, every Spaniard below the military rank of Captain 
would be a member. Another determinant was occupation with 
various artisans, tradesmen, and businessmen fitting into 
the middle class category. Thus, miners^ shoemakers, 
leatherworkers , hosiers, blacksmiths, and carpenters, in 
general, v;ere middle class. Lower members of the clergy 
or independent evangelical clergymen with some sort of 
income would also qualify. 

The mestizo part of the middle class comprised lower 
ranking soldiers, blacksmiths, hosiers, carpenters, shoe- 
makers, tailors, merchants, and lower clergymen. The most 


Importaat factor, however, was the marriage of Spanish 
ivlddle class ip.einbers with mestiza v/omen and the subsequent 
continuation of Indian blood , in the middle class. There 
v/as also one example of a middle class mestizo m.arrying a 
Spanish girl, however, and instances of Spanish mdddle 
class merchants marrying Indians.''"'''^ 

As in the aristocracy, it is somewhat difficult to 
trace the mestizo element in the middle class. Of the 
thousands of individuals listed in Thayer Ojeda's three, for instance, not m.ore than seventy persons can 
be identified clearly as mestizo and probably middle class 
under the defined occupational categories. Most of these 
mestizos were either soldiers or army interpreters. Others 
were carpenters, silversmiths, sailors,- shoema]<:ers , tailors, 
school teachers, hosiers, blacksmiths, scribes, or clerics. 
These mestizos generally married mestiza or Indian w-omen 
and presmiably their sons continued in the same profession 
-or at least were accepted as being middle class socially. 

From, the sparse evidence available, therefore, it ap- 
pears that the mestizo fits into the middle class category 
in most instances. There v/ere examples of a m.estiza re-'"' 
ceiving a solar from the Santiago^ cab ildo in 15 5 S — Juan 
de Mesa, and there v/as one example of a mestizo — Luis de 

Santa Clara — owning a chacra along the Canada River near 

1 8 

Santiago," ^' Most, however, v/ere bound by some rule of 

social stratification or more biographic data v/ould be 


available to point to some upward social mobility. This 
last point, of course, was also true of the Spanish middle 
class. It is clear that there was some social and occupa- 
tional mobility among the mestizo soldiers at the front and 
in the frontier towns. Bravery in battle would probably 
lead to a reward of some social consequence. 

Some of the mestizos, however, found life too harsh 
and alien in Spanish society. These "marginal men" fled 
to the south and joined the Indians in their flight against 
the Spaniards. The most famous of these runaways was 
Alonso Diaz, who was known by the Indians as Painancu. He 
left Santiago in 1560, and spent the next ten years fighting 
Spaniards. By 1575, he had been named an Araucanian chief- 
tain and continued his anti-Spanish struggle until 15 83, 
when he was captured and executed by Governor Sotomayor. 
Another example of this type was Francisco Gasco, a mestizo 
soldier who also deserted to the Indians . -'-^■'■ 

In conclusion, there is no doubt that the Chilean 
middle class became the great bastion of the mestizo from 
the early days. The upper middle class appears to be a 
combination of merchants and artisans, predominantly Spanish, 
but, in general, married to first generation mestiza women. 
The lower middle class consisted of mestizos married to 
mestizas or Indian women, but having the same vocation as 
their Spanish counterparts. Some time in the future, these 
ethnic lines were blurred by more intermarriage which was 

certainly brought about by proxi^dty and acceptance. Car- 
ried to its logical conclusion, the cities became the great 
melting pot for the middle class mestizo mixture, whereas 
persons_ with a greater amount of Indian blood gravitated 
to the countryside and along with the Indians created a 
labor force. 

Thus, if one had to draw up a statement on the relative 
position of the mestizo-mestiza in society circa 1540-1575 
in Santiago, the conclusion would be that the mestiza was 
furnishing part of the ethnic base of the Chilean colonial 
aristocracy. The mestizo, on the other hand, although 
functioning within the confines of the aris-tocracy , was 
basically associated with the plebian class. Carried to 
its logical judgement, the mestiza, marrying either a 
Spaniard or a mestizo, would create a group that was pre- 
dominantly Spanish in character and blood relationship. 
This group would live primarily in the original vecino de- 
velopments of the city or on large estancias. The mestizo, 
on the other hand, marrying either a mestiza or an Indian, 
would create a group with a greater percentage of Indian 
blood or gravitating toward Indian culture. He would 
live in the countryside or small towns and would work in 
laboring or trade occupations if he lived in the city. 
Therefore, Chilean society, already predominantly mestizo, 
developed along parallel mestizo-mestiza lines which have 
probably not fully converged to this day. 

171 ■ 
Indians and Negroes 
The rest of Santiago society as late as 1565 com- 
prised Indians and Negroes. The encomienda system with 
personal service granted to the Spaniards was formally es- 
tablished in 1559. Santillan's new regulations were de- 
signed to reduce the amount of work done by the encomienda 
Indians. In reality, however, the regulations systematized 
the relationship between the encomendas and his Indians. 
Thus, despite the intent of the law, the Indians really had 
no choice but to accept their servitude, ^^^ ,pj^g Indians 
who had escaped the system earlier through marriage or any 
other means could breathe a sigh of relief. 

For the other Indians, the only respite from hardship 
was religion and alcoholic beverages. The Indians had 
finally been weaned over to Christianity by this time. 
After being forced to attend mass for nearly twenty years, 
some of the religious spirit of the priests must have rubbed 
off. Moreover, the Church fiesta days gave the Indians an 
escape from their miserable existence. Many turned to al- 
cohol for release from the drudgery, and tales of druken 
Indians were as prevalent in Chile as they were in the lore 
of the western part of the United States more than three 
hundred years later. 

Some further differentiation among the Indians should 
be made here. Captain Bernardo de Vargas Machuca, the 
author of Milici a y descripcion de las Indias . which was 
published in 1599, clearly distinguishes between Indians 


of service and Indian friends. The Indians of service 
carried tlie Spaniard's equipment and performed ottier func- 
tions for them. Many were free from any obligation to 
their masters and worked for a cash payment. The Indian 
friends, on the other hand, were military allies and as- 
■ sis ted the Spanish in the conquest. ^^^ Again, there is 
some blurring of the differences betv/een Indian friends 
and yanaconas. Mariano de Lobera, in fact, refers to the 
assistance of the yanaconas in defending a Spanish position 
after the Battle of Tucapel. '^^'^ 

In many instances, moreover, it is very difficult to 
separate the Indians of service from the Indian friends. 
The general rule appears to be that the Peruvian yanaconas 
were likely to be included in the general term Indian 
friend. Chilean Indians of service, however, were not 
likely to be included as military allies or Indian friends. 
Obviously, this situation would be very difficult to sort 
out as far as social stratification is concerned. It ap- 
pears, however, that some method was used by the Spaniards 
to ensure that the treatment ox Indian friends was better 
than that of Indians of service, and both were above the 
other Indians in status. Crecente Errazuriz makes his dif- 
ferentiation by referring to the yanaconas as a separate 
"third class ^= of Indians as opposed to local enemies and 
encomienda Indians . "^^^ 

Negro slaves at this tim.e continued to occupy a some- 
what higher position in society than most of the Indians. 


Almost all of theiTL lived in the cities except in cases 
V7tiere they were serving their masters in v/arfare. Most' 
worked as inajordoinos in the households or as apprentices 
to tailors, shoemakers,, silversmiths, and carpenters, 
Chilean historians tend to be evasive about the issue of 
Negro slavery, however, and statistics probably are not 
very reliable. Diego Barros Arana, for example, says that 
by 1550, there were only three to four thousand Negroes in 
Chile. He also states, hoxvever, that the 1778 census in 
Santiago indicated that there were "25,500 Negroes and 
inulattoes in the city. 1^5 Encina, on the other hand, states 
that there were 2,500 Negroes in Santiago in 1650, but be- 
cause of Chile's climate and disease, pure Negro blood dis- 
appeared from, the Chilean race during the next century.^ 
This claim would tend to invalidate the census of 1778.-'-^''' 

In any case, judging from the available material, ' 
the Negro, because of his adaptability to Spanish culture, 
the fact that som.e Hispanicized Negroes had arrived in the 
country as conquerors, and the close relationship of Negroes 
with the Spanish families in their position as personal ser- 
vants, ctme to occupy a higher position in society than the 
Indians. Moreover, through meritofious service or manu- 
mission, slaves could be freed. Andrea (El Valionte) , for 
instance, a Negro slave was freed by his master as a reward 
for valor in the southern wars in 1555.-''-^^ Further, it o-o- 
pears tha-t intermarriage was prevalent between Spaniards and 
Negro women on one hand, and Negroes and Indians on the 


oti-ier. Thus., the Negro, as a distinct racial entity, prob- 
ably disappeared in Chile by the turn of the 19th century. 

In reality, the Negro had little impact on the Chilean 


Social Change by 15 75 

By 1575, therefore, Chilean society had undergone a 
major change. The Spanish conquerors and his descendants 
comprised the aristocracy, but already a mestiza element had 
been introduced and multiplied. At a slightly lower level 
were the Spanish artisans, farmers, and soldiers. The 
mestizo sons of conquerors, for the most part soldiers, 
were integrated into this group. The mestizos, who fol- 
lowed the tradition of their Indian mothers occupied a 
lower position. Negroes occupied the next lower rung, and 
Indians, in general, were on the bottom. Clearly then, 
with certain specified exceptions, Chilean society was al- 
ready being divided by ethnic differences . -^^^ 

Returning for a moment to Moerner's classic social 
status typology of Spanish colonial society, the Chilean 
model would have the following variations. 



Spanicized Negroes 

Indian Friends 

Indians of Service 

Negro Slaves 

Other Indians or Indian enemies 


1565 ' 


Mestizo - Spanish-Mestiza 
Mestizo - Spanish-Mestizo ' 
Mestizo - Spanish-Indian-Mestizo 
Mestizo - Mestizo-Mestiza 
■ Negro - Kispanicized 
Mestizo - Mestizo-Indian 
Mulatto - Spanish-Negro 
Indian - Indian Friends 
Indian - Indians of Service 
Indian - Ehcomienda Indians 
Slaves - Negroes and Indians 
Indian - enemies 

There does not appear to be an differentiation between 
Peninsular Spaniards and criollos even in 156 5, proba±)ly 
becaxise there were not enough Peninsular Spaniards in 
Santiago to form a separate entity. in fact, the number 
of female peninsulares in the whole countiy in 159 3 prob- 
ably did not exceed fifty. There were few Spanish children 
being brought to the colony and many of the first women pen- 
insulares proved to be barren for one reason or another. ■'-^■'■ 

Social developments during the rest of the century and 
the remainder of the period of this study can be telescoped 
because the basis for the evolution of society had already 
been established in the first twenty years of the colony. 
This process is clearly evident in the generations of 
Chileans bom between 1560 and 1600. 

During this period, Spanish aristocracy was divided 
into two groups. The first consisted of encomenderos 
descended along the paternal or maternal line from the 
grand encomenderos of the 1540s. (As noted, this group 


contained some Indian blood via the Indians and mestizas 
that had married conquerors and sons of conquerors.) Other 
members of this group were functionaries and descendants of 
CrowTi appointees, who were designated in some cases as the 

"aristocracy of the city," and high military officers and 

19 2 
clex-gy. Generally speaking, this group was quite 

wealtiiy. The men married Spanish women of high birth and 
were designated as hidalgos notorios or simply hidalgos . -^^^ 

The second group was made up of descendants of con- 
querors without encomiendas, descendants of conquerors from 
other towns v/ho came to live and work in Santiago, and 

later, descendants of southern citizens who came to Santiago 

19 4 
to escape the Indian wars. This group probably contained 

. a good portion of Indian blood via marriage with mestisas, 
and certainly some descendants of mestizo military captains 
would fit into this category. Generally speaking, however, 
this group had less wealth than the former, the men married 
Spanish women of lower birth, and were most often designated 
as hombres de bien, ^^ 

The next level of Santiago society was the artisan and 
trading element, which at this point contained a sizeable 
n-tmiber of mestizos. _ A perusal of Thayer Ojeda's Formacio n 
de la sociedad Chilena clearly indicates that many Spanish 
artisans had intermarried with Indians, Negroes, and 
mestizos. Their mestizo progeny, since they were from a 
some\vhat lower class in society, married other mestizos, 


Indians or Negroes; thus maintaining a distinct blood line 
from the aristocracy. This group was also joined by the 
coifcnon Spanish soldier who kept arriving in Santiago on 
his way to the front in the south. These men, for the most 
part, married raestizas while they were encamped in Santiago, 
or later when they were stationed in the frontier towns. 
The creation of a permanent army in 1601 had a direct ef- 
fect on these soldiers as professionalism freed the aristo- 
cratic establishment from military service and gave in- 
creased stature and importance to the regular soldier. -^^^ 
Therefore, at relatively the same social level, a distinct 
military, commercial, and industrial class was established 
which had as one of its chief characteristics a high per- 
centage of Indian blood. This group showed the most 
social mobility in that its members were able to move into 
the lower aristocracy category. The upper aristocracy 
level was unattainable for any lower group. It was a 

closed society in this period and maintained itself by 

3 97 
proper marriages and family relationships. 

It is appropriate to mention here that all of the 

groups discussed thus far • — the artistocracy , artisans, 

tradesmen, clergy, and soldiers — had, on the average, 

more Spanish than Indian blood, and certainly the cultural 

aspects of the Spaniards, Perhaps, the importance of 

mestizaje can be seen in the statistics that by 1592, there 

were only 2,00 pure blooded Spaniards in the country, and 


the population of Santiago consisted of only 500 Spanish or 
sons of Spanish inhabitants. (This figure apparently in- 
cludes legitimate mestizo sons of which tliere were many.) 
No population figures are available on the number of 
mestizos in the city, but there may have been as many as 

5,000 in 15 70, and certainly that number by the turn of the 

19 8 
century . 

Another phenomenon was taking place in the countryside. 

As noted earlier, tlie number of Indians in the encomiendas 

of Santiago was diminishing, and by 1600 their number was 

down to 4,000. There were not enough Indians to make 

the encomienda system viable, let alone provide labor for 
the farms and mines. Mestizos were integrated into agri- 
cultural operations via the inquilino system, and 
Araucanian prisoners from the south were imported as vir- 
tual slaves to work the farms. Despite these methods, the 
lack of cheap labor became so acute that the mining oper- 
ations were mostly abandoned. 

The mestizos, who followed their Indian mothers' cul- 
tural patterns, however, were able to fill the labor void 
on the farms. They soon became the most numerous labor 
force because they were vigorous, hard working, and adapt- 
able. Thus, a new Inquilino society, composed of 
mestizos and Indians, began to evolve. Just as m.estizos, 
with a high percentage of Spanish blood were taking over 
positions in tlie city, mestizos, with predominatly Indian 

ttx*.*— —- »x.- 


blood were becoming the largest social class in the country- 
side. 201 

This does not mean to say that the thirty years from 
1540 to 1570 was a period of peaceful transition in which 
the Mestizo gradually took over. Obviously, there was dis- 
crimination at every level of society. The mestizos' bad 
characteristcs — especially drunkenness — has been 
chronicled by m.any Chilean historians and sociologists . ^°^ 
And, obviously, there is a profound difference between the 
average ignorant mestizo of 1560 and the mestizo of the 
latter part of the century in terms of awareness and edu- 
cation. It is certain, however, that most of Chilean 
society, including the aristocracy, was mestizo to one de- 
gree or another by 1600. 

The rest of Chilean society continued to be divided 
into Negroes and Indians. No figures are available on the 
nxomber of Negroes in Chile in 1600, but according to Encina, 
their percentage of total population was always decreasing. 
In addition, cedulas in 159 4 and 159 5 prohibited the im- 
portation of Negroes from Buenos Aires , although some 
small scale slave trading probably continued. ^'^■^ Negroes 
or mulattoes continued to occupy household positions with 
the wealthy families during this period, and continued to 
function in the multi-racial artisan class of the city. 

The pure Indians, as described before, were rapidly 
dying off. In a letter from Alonso de Ribera to the King 

^•o— j»i .-*--» 

• 180 . ' 

in 160 3, however, the Indians are still parceled into three 
groups: "the Indians on the encomiendas , Indians that are 

yanaconas , and Indians that are in the power of the 

"20 4 
priests. Interestingly enough, Ribera ignores the 

racial characteristics of the population and simply sepa- 
rated society into Indians, "vecinos, moradores , estantes, 
habi-fcantes , clerics, encomenderos , and military men." ^ 
It may be an oversight on Ribeia'fe part, but, perhaps, 
Encina's contention that by the middle of the 17th century, 
a mestizo was not distinguishable from a Spaniard may have 

9 A /T 

been appropriate also in 1600. 

Santiago's social structure by the end of the century, 
therefore, like that of 15 75 had been profoundly altered by ■ 
the integration of the mestizo at all levels. The only 
difference between the groups having the largest percentage 
of Spanish blood, in fact, seems to be the original social 
rank, or wealth of the Spanish progenitors, and the amount of 
Indian blood subsequently mixed into the family. (Jose 
Armando de Ramon Folch puts heavy emphasis on the economic 
standing of the original conqueror in his study — the 

rich being at the top of society and the poorest on the 

20 7 

bottom. ) An increasing amount of Indian blood in any 

family seems, hov/ever, to indicate a lower social status 
in most cases. Pure Negroes and Indians appear to occupy 
the same relative social position as they did in 1540 and 
1560' except that their numbers were decreasing because of 
disease, over v/ork , or simply by being bred out of exis- 
tence . 








Governor and Crown 

Encomenderos , High 
Clergy, Captains 

.^^l" ..^>--^* 

Merchants , Ranchers , 
So ldiers 

Sa].aried Vtorkers and 
F armers 

Encomienda Laborers 


Subsistence Livers 



x-lE S T I Z S fr*<:^-Q — jj*'^^*^-*-©^" 

IKDIAisIS 'i^HH-H-u-'^-^U' 



■^Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de 
Santiago, p. 373. 

■^Alejandro Fuenzalida Grandon, La evolucion social d e 
Chile, 1541-1810 (Santiago, 1906) , pp. 1-24. 

■^Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de 
Santiago, p. 373. 

4 ... 

Tomas Thayer Ojeda and Carlos J. Larram, V aldivxa 

y sus companeros (Santiago, 1950), pp. 65-68. 
5 Ibid . , pp. 115-117. 

**Encina, Historia de Chile , Vol. 1, p. 31. 
"^Frias , o£. cit . , pp. 150-151. 
'^Thayer Ojeda and Larrain, og_. cit. , p. 16. 


Enema, Historia de Chile , Vol. 1, p. 101. 

^Qlbid. , Vol. 2, pp. 193-194. 

-^•^Eyzaguirre, Historia de Chil e, p. 16 2. 

■^^Stephanie Blank, "Patrons, Clients, and Kin in 
Seventeenth Century Caracas: A Methodological Essay in 
Colonial Spanish American History,'" Hispanic American 
Historical Review , Vol. 54 (May, 1974), p. 277. 

^^Toitias Thayer Ojeda, Forma cion de la sociedad chilena 
y censo de la poblacion de Chile entre los anos de 1540 a 
1565, con datos estadis ti cos , b ii^graf ic os , etnicos y 
demograficos (Santiago, 1939-1941), Vol. 1, pp. 24-61. 

Luis Silva Lezaeta, El conquista dor Francisco de 
Aguirre (Santiago, 1953), p. 56. and Thayer Ojeda, 
Formacion de la sociedad chilena . Vol. 1, pp. 65-66. 


Thayer Ojeda, ''Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 

IG ^ 

Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena. 

p. 113 
Vol. 1, p. 119. 




^"^Ibid. , p. 190, 

■^^hayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
pp. 86 and 125. 

■^'^Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena , 
Vol. i, pp. 183-184. 

20 Ibid, , p. 200. and Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante 
el siglo XVI," p. 220. 

Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena ; 
Vol. 1, pp. 202-203. 

22ibid. , Vol. 2, p. 10. 

^^ Ibid . , Vol. 2, pp. 361-362. 

^^ Ibid . , Vol. 1, pp. 20 8-209. 

^^ Ibid . , Vol. 3, pp. 10-11. 

^^ Ibid . , Vol. 1, pp. 244-247. 


Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 



Ibid. , p. 136 . 

Thayer Ojeda, Forma cion de la sociedad chilena , 
Vol. 2, p. 222. 

^Q lbid . , Vol. 1, pp. 264-265. 

•^^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
p. 52 . 

Thayer Ojeda, F ormacion de la sociedad chilena . 
Vol. 1, pp. 26 5-266. 

^^ Ibid . , Vol. 2, p. 57. 

3 4 Ibid. , Vol. 1, pp. 94-95. 

^^Ibid . , Vol. 1, pp. 2 81-2 82. 

36 Ibid. , Vol. 1, pp. 288-289. 

"^■^Ibid. , Vol. 2, pp. 269-270. 

"""Guillermo Cuadra Gormaz , "El apellido Castro durante 
la colonia," Revista Ch ilena de Histori a y Geo grafia 
(Santiago, 1921), Vol. "37, p. 303. 


^"Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena ^ 
Vol. 1, p. 292- 

Crecente Errazuriz / His'toria ^ de Chile. Fran ci sco 
de Villagra, 1561-1563 ,, p. 2 55. 

Thayer Ojeda ^ Formacion de la sociedad chilena^ 
Vol. 2 /p. 282. ■ ' "^^ '^' 

^^ibid. , Vol. 1, pp. 326-327. 

^^ ibid . , Vol. 1, pp. 334-337- 

^^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
pp. 49 and 115. 

^^Ibid. , p. 123. 

^^ Ibid . , pp. 62-63, 75-75, 79-81. 

47 ^ 

'Ibid.., pp. 56 and 124. and Thayer Ojeda, Formacion 

de la sociedad chilena . Vol. 1, 142-143. 

'^^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
p. 239. 

"^^Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de l a so ciedad chilena . 
Vol. 1, pp. 346-348, 

SO lbid . , Vol. 2, pp. 142-143. 

^^Ibid. , Vol. 1, pp. 172-173. 

^^Ibid. , Vol. 3, p. 269. 


Thayer Ojeda, '"Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 

pp. 48, 74, 150. 

^^ Ibid . , p. 54. 

'Ibid. , pp. 132-133; pp. 76, 94 

'Thayer Ojeda 
Vol. 2, pp. 213-214 

pp. 56 and 19 5. 

CO / 

-^•Thayer Ojeda, Formacion d e la sociedad chilena . 
Vol. 2, pp. 8-9. 

Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena, 


Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI,"' 


^^Thayer Ojeda, '^Santiago durante el siglo X\^I," 
p. 52. 

^^Thayer Ojeda, Pormacio n de la sociedad chilena , 
Vol. 2, p. 17. 

^^Ibid, , Vol. 3, p. 151. 

62ibid, , Vol, 2, pp. 18-19. 

^^Ibid. , Vol. 2, p. 36 8. 

64ibid. , Vol. 1, pp. 118-119. 

65 ibid . , Vol. 3, p. 78. 

66ibid. , Vol. 2, p. 41. 

^"^Ibid, , Vol. 2, p. 105. 

^^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
pp. 6 8 and 116. 

^^ Ibid . , p. 16 3. 

"^^Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena , 
Vol. 2, p. 105. 

'^•'■Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI , " 
p. 67. 

^^ Ibid . , pp. 72 and 156. 

^^ Ibid . , pp. 67 and 79. and Thayer Ojeda, F ormacion 
de la sociedad chilena , Vol. 2, pp. 41-42. 

74ibid. , pp. 65-66, 169. 

■75ibid. , p. 170. 

76 ibid . , pp. 50, 51, 69, 114, 115. 

77ibid. , p. 136. 

'^^Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de_ la sociedad chilena , 
Vol. 2, pp. 155-156. 

7 9 Ibid. , Vol. 2, pp. 50-54. 

80 Ibid. , Vol. 2, p. 46. 


S^Tliayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
p. 157. 

^^Thayer Ojeda,' Foirmac ion de la s ociedad chilena. 
Vol. 2, pp. 57-5 8. 

83ibid. , Vol. 2, p, 57. 

^'^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
pp. 49, 51, 91, 112. 

^^Ibid. , p. 15 8. 

^^Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la soci edad chilena , 
Vol. 2, p. 60. 

S"7lbid. , Vol. 1, p. 243. 

88ibid, , Vol. 2, p. 69. 

S^lbid. , Vol. 2, p. 87. 

-°Ibid. , Vol. 2, pp. 267-268. 

^llbid.. , Vol. 2, p. 73. 

^^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
pp. 59, 64, 72, 165. 

^ -^Thayer Ojeda, Formacion d e la sociedad ehilena , 
Vol. 2, p. 133. 

^^ Ibid . , Vol. 2, pp. 25-27. and Thayer Ojeda, 
"Santiago durante el siglo XVI," pp. 129, 165. 

^^ Ibid . , Vol. 3, p. 11. 

^^Ibid. , Vol. 2, p. 141. 

Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el sxglo XVI,'' 
pp. 55, 71, 166, 168, 54, 65, 157. 

^^Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena . 
Vol. 1, p. 2 39. 

^^Ibid. , Vol. 2, pp. 142-144. 

10 Ibid, , Vol. 2, p. 149. 

IQ^ Ibid . , Vol. 2, p. 39. 

l°^ Ibid ., Vol. 3, p. 244. 

^O^Ibld., Vol. 2, p. 151. 

^^'^Ibidw Vol. 1, pp. 235-239, and Vol, 2, p. 152. 

IQ^ i^id . , Vol, 2; p. 152. 

l^^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI /" 
p. 172.- 

Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chxlena , 
Vol. 2, pp. 185-190. 

■^^ ^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
pp. 56, 79, 91, 99. 

^°^Ibid. , P. 173. 

Ibid . , p. 176. and Thayer Ojeda, F ormacion de la 
soviedad chilena . Vol. 2, p. 205. 

ll-T-Ibid. , pp. 68, 81. 

Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena , 
Vol. 2, p. 17. 

•^-'•^rbid. , Vol. 2, pp. 21-22. 

•^■^ '^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
p. 182. 

ll^ihid. , pp. 63, 76, 98. 

-^l^Thayer Ojeda, For macion de la sociedad chilena , 
Vol. '2, pp. 2 85-2 87. 

Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
pp. 185-186; 97-98. 

l-'-^Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena , 
Vol. 3, p. 191. 

1 1 Q 

Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 

p. 186. Guillermo Cuadra Gormaz , Origen y desarrollo de 

las f ami lias chilenas (Santiago, 1948-1949), p. 53. 

■'-^^Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la socie dad chilena , 
Vol. 2, pp. 29 7-300. 

121ibid. , Vol. 2, p. 339. 

l^'^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
p. 182. 


Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena. 
Vol. 2, p. 255. ~~^ ""^^^ 

^^^ Ibid . , Vol. 2, pp. 339-340. 

^^^Ibid. , Vol. 2, p. 366. 

126ibid. , Vol. 2, pp. 224-225. 

i27Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
pp. 75, 119. 

■J T Q 

Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la soc iedad chilena. 
Vol. 3, pp. 100-10 4. 


^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 

pp. 56, 75, 92. 

l^^Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la so ciedad chilena. 
Vol. 1, pp. 122-12 3. ~~~ ~" 

^^^Ibid. , Vol. 3, 161-163. 

Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
p. 75, 207. 

■j -5 -3 

Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena. 
Vol. 3, p. 10 5. ~~ ~ ~ 

^^'^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
p. 75. 

135 / 

Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena. 

Vol. 3, pp. 124-127. ' ' ~' 

^^^ Ibid ., Vol, 3, p. 127. 

^'Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
p. 211. 

^^^Ibid. , pp. 52, 58. 

^^Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena. 
Vol. 3, p. 185. ' — 


Ibid . , Vol. 2, p. 109. 

l^lThayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siqlo XVI ," 
p. 185. 

Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena. 

Vol. 3, p. 191. "" [ ~~ 

p. 56 


^^-^Ibid. , Vol. 3, pp. 20Q-2Q2. 

^"^^Tiiayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI , "^ 
i . 

145 y 

Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena , 

Vol. 1, pp. 100-101. 

146ibid. , Vol. 3, pp, 237-238. 

J- '^'^ Ibid. , Vol. 1, pp. 175-176. 

^'^^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
pp. 58, 125. 

l^^Ibid. , pp. 58, 119. 

l^°Ibid. , pp. 58, 294. 

-^•^ -^Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena . 
Vol. 3, pp. 245-247. 

^^^Ibid. , Vol. 2, p. 272. 

^^^ Ibid . , Vol. 3, p. 249. Cuadro Gormaz , Origen y 
desarrollo . p. 110. 

1^'^Ibid. , Vol. 3, p. 252. 

-"-^^Ibid. , Vol. 3, pp. 320-322. 

^^^Ibid. , Vol. 3, p. 328. 

^^ "^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
p. 239. 

158 ^ 

Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena , 

Vol. 2, pp. 25-26. ' '. 

^^^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 

p. 221. 

^^Qlbid. , p. 111. 

^^^ Ibid . , pp. 61, 168. 

l^^Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena , 
Vol. 3, p. 152. ~~ 

-^"•^Thayer Ojeda, "Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
pp. 55, 115. 


^^ "^Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad criilena , 
Vol. 3, p. 77. 

^^^Frias Valenzuela, op. clt. , pp. 157-158. 

■^^^Lockhart , Spanish Peru , p. 131. 

-'-^'^■Encina, His tori a de Chile , Vol. 1, pp. 405-407. 

l^^Frias, 02_. cit . , p. 157. 

l^^Magnus Moerner (ed.), Race and Class in Latin 
America. (New York, 1970), p. 224. 

^"^OEncina, His tori a d e Chile, Vol. 3, pp. 35-70. 

^'^■'■Thayer Ojeda, Fomnacion de la sociedad chilena . 
Vol. 3, p. 151. 

■'■'^^Tomas Thayer Ojeda, "Resena historico-biograf ica 
de los eclesiasticos en el descubrimiento y conquista de 
Chile," Revista Chilena de Historia y Geografia (Santiago, 
1920-1921), ND- 36, pp. 385-388. 

l"73i^id. , pp. 386-388. 

^"^"^Frias, o£. cit. , pp. 154, 162. 

I'^^Blank, "Patrons, Clients, and Kin," p. 265. 

^"^^Cuadra Gormaz , Origen y desarrollo , pp. 43-46. 
Vicuna Mackenna, Historia social y critica de Santiago , 
p. 373. 

I'^'^Ibid. , pp. 4-113. 

-'-'^^Encina, Historia de Chile , Vol. 2, p. 250. 

■'-'^^Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena , 
Vol. 2, p. 69. The mestizo Juan Gonzales, an Army 2nd 
Lieutenant married Isabel de Caceres. 

■'■^^Thayer Ojeda, ''Santiago durante el siglo XVI," 
and Formacion de la sociedad chilena . The mestizo's 
social mobility can be seen in a perusal of the various 
biographies . 

■^^■'-A.U. Hancock, History of Chile (Chicago, 1893), 
p. 79. 

-'■^^Barros Arana, op_. cit . , Vol. 1, p. 312. 


183crecente Errazuriz, His tori a d e Chile. Den Ga rria 
de xMendoza, 1557-1561, p, 430,' and Jara, - Guerra y sociedad 
en Chile , p. 85, ' — ' 

Crecente Errazuriz, Kistoria de Chile . Francisco 
de Villaqra, 15 61-1563 . p. 30T: ^ ' ' " 

185 • 

■ Crecente Errazuriz, His tori a de Chile. Don Garcxa 
de Mendoza, 1557-1561 , pp. 424-438. '. 

*^Barros Arana, o£. cit . , p. 312. 


Encina, His tori a de Chile , Vol. 3, p. 54. 

188 ^ 

Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena. 
Vol. 1, p. 102. ^~ ' — ' 


Maguire Ibar, o£. cit. , p. 9. 


Encina, Historia de Chile , Vol. 3, p. 69. 

^^^Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 193. 

192 • '■ 

Mario Gongora, Encomenderos y estancieros : 

estudios acerca de la constitucion socIa"l aristocratica 
de Chile d espues de la conquista, 1 5 8 - 1660 (Santiago, ' 
1970), p. 139. : 


Jose Armado de Ramon Folch, "La sociedad espanola 
de Santiago de Chile entre 1581 y 1596," Hist oria 
(Santiago, 19 65) , Vol. 4, p. 192. 

194 -^ 

Gongora, Encomenderos y estancieros , p. 139. 

^^^Ramon Folch, o£. cit., p. 192. 

-^^°Barros Arana, op. cit.. Vol. 1, p. 313. 

19 7 

Ramon Folch, o£, cit., pp. 205-207. See also 
Guillermo de la Cuadra, Qrigen y desarrollo de las ' 
familias Chilenas , under (Lisperguer) . ~ 

^^^Barros Arana, 0£, cit.. Vol. 1, p. 246. 

1 Q9 

ikM- ' Vol. 1, p. 252. 

^°°Encina, Historia de Chile . Vol, 3, p. 136. 


AlvaroJara, Los asientos de trabajo y la 

provisi on de mano d e obra para los no-encomenderos e n la 
ciudad d e Santiago, 1586-1600 (Santiago, 1959), pp , 59-60. 

19 2 

TOO • '' 

'''^■^Dommgo Amunategux Solar, La sociedad de Santiago 
en el siglo diez y siete (Santiago, 1937), p. 135. 

^^^Encina, His tori a de Chile , Vol. 3, pp. 52-53. 


'■"^Barros Arana, o£, cit . , Vol, 1, p. 314. 


2062ncina, H istori a de Chile , Vol. 3, p. 49. 

^^'^Ramon Folch, o£. cit . , pp. 225-227. It appears 
that the second group did^have considerable social mobility 
within itself. Again, the criterion for . advancement v/as 
acquired wealth. 


Francisco Encina once described the conflict between 

criollos and peninsulares in the following manner: 

The Spaniard was irritated by the indolence , the 
frivolity, and the superficiality of the criollo, and 
especially of the tropical criollo. At heart he felt 
him to be an inferior, a bastard off -shoot of his race, 
an empty-headed chatterbox, incapable of any serious 
task. For his part, the criollo hated the peninsulares 
with all his soul; he regarded the m.ental deliberation 
of the Galician as stupidity; he saw the Catalan as a 
miser, and the Basque as a bird of prey, and he regarded 
all of them as parvenus and climbers , who wanted to 
monopolise wealth, and marry the richest heiresses... 
Viewing this antipathy from another point of view, we 
can see that the social ideals and values of the penin- 
sulares and criollos were quite different. The criollos 
delighted in extreme generosity, in bold adventure and 
reckless courage, in skill at criollo sports and exer- 
cises, and in intense enjoyment of the present without 
thought of tomorrow. But for the Spaniards who came 
to America after the discovery and the first generation 
criollos, regularity of conduct, economy, and foresight 
were everything. ^ 

What brought about this attitude and the criollo-penin- 
sulares conflict? Obviously the answer lies in the mixture 
of race life styles created in the New World. In Chile, as 
in most of the colonies, the term mestizo has a cultural as 
well as a racial meaning. It implies an interpenetration 
of native and European Beliefs and modes of behavior, not 
blood intermixture alone. For this reason, mestizo charac- 
teristics soon became prevalent the Spaniards and 
their descendants, even if they had no Indian blood at all. 
Chile, therefore, became a mestizo culture because of the 


19 4 

painful fusion between conflicting Spanish and Indian heri- 
tages of her peoples. The key factor, of course, was Indian 
resistance to Spanish subjugation for two centuries and the 
maintenance and evolution of the original Chilean mestizo 
racial base. 2 

Outwardly, the Spanish Chileans adopted many of the 
Indian characteristics ~ -their dress, their games, and 
many aspects of the Indian life style. This later' became 
the real crux of the criollo- peninsular dispute as depicted 
by Encina. In any case, it is no accident that the Indian 
poncho, described in the first chapter, became a kind of 
Chilean national dress. 3 it is uniquely adaptable to the 
Chilean climate. In addition, Indian games were enjoyed by 
the Spaniards. Polo, for instance, combined Spanish horse- 
manship and Indian field hockey. Even today, the so-called 
mestizo pony in Chile is highly regarded as a polo horse ~- 
a combination of the old and new breeds. Again, an inter- 
penetration of lifestyles and culture. 

In Chile, apologists for the Indians and indigenistas 
are certainly mistaken, however, when they attribute modern 
Chile and its distinctive national temperament to the fight- 
ing characteristics of the Araucanian Indian. The evidence 
is clear that these people did not contribute significantly 
to the Chilean race in the early days of the conquest. The 
Mapuche Indians of the Santiago area, and even the Peruvian 
Incas were far more significant in the Chilean aristocracy. 


It is true, however, that the Araucanians were the 
only Indians of South America to mount an important resis- 
tance against Spanish domination. These Indians became the 
object of a ruthless extermination policy and were enslaved 
to replace the vanishing Indian laborers in the north. 
Still, against all odds , they continued their resistance for 
almost 300 years. If their character did not rub off on the 
rest of the Chileans, it certainly was an object of envy and 

In addition, the Araucanians made their own contribu- 
tion to mestizaje. During the southern wars, many Spanish 
cities were captured and the female Spanish captives were 
divided among their Indian conquerors . The resulting pro- 
geny:' were raised as Indians and many occupied high posi- 
tions in the Indian hierarchy. Don Antonio Chicahuala, an 
Araucanian chief, was the son of Chief Gualacan and Dona 
Aldonsa Aguilera de Castro, a Spanish woman of noble back- 
ground who was captured by the Indians as a child. ^ 

The Spaniards, for their part, seem not to have been 
motivated so much by the lure of gold in Chile as by the 
spirit of adventure. (Lockhart would probably argue that 
poverty kept them there.) Valdivia himself left a very 
comfortable life in Peru for what at best was an uncertain 
future. His band of men only had twenty-seven who could be 
described as members of the nobility. The rest were miners, 
farmers, artisans, and soldiers of fortune. Moreover, when 


they arrived in Santiago and began the business of coloniza- 
tion, the persons possessing fertile and important farms 
or businesses in the Santiago area became rather important 
in the colonial hierarchy. The professional soldiers did 
not fare as well, especially if they were not of either 
Captain or general officer rank in the beginning. 

In addition, later immigration was almost entirely 
made up of military men. In 1549, the entire Spanish popu- 
lation in the country was only 50 and at the time of 
Valdivia's death in 155 3, it had only risen to 1,0 00.^ 
Thayer Ojeda calculates that there were only 1,10 Spaniards 
in the country in 155 8, seventeen years after the founding 
of Santiago. 6 Because of the homogeneity of the immigrants 
there appears to be much less, racial and class discrimina- 
tion in Chile than in the other colonies. Hardships were 
borne equally by all of the conquerors, and Valdivia di- 
vided the spoils almost equally among them. Men who face 
common dangers generally forget discrimination. 


The indiscriminate dispersal of lands and Indians also 
had far reaching consequences for the colony. It meant, in 
the first place, that a Spanish farmer-soldier had the right 
of citizenship and the same opportunity to better himself as 
the Spanish noble. The enterprising Flores and Lisperguer 
families are examples of this. In addition, the food prob- 
lem of the early years of the colony put a premium on pro- 
duction by the Santiago chacras . Thus , a prosperous farmer 


or mill owner naturally v/ould have importance and stature 
far in excess of what he would have been entitled to under 
the rigid Spanish social code. 

Another interesting development in Chile was the close 
association of the encomienda grants of Indians and a 
physical piece of land. The difficulty in some instances 
of separating the encomienda grant from a specific land 
grant gives rise to speculation that in Chile an encomienda 
was much more than a grant of Indians. 

Of additional importance is the fact that an Indian 
wife or a mestizo son or daughter could inherit the enco- 
mienda. In practice, the Chilean encomienda remained in 
one family imtil grants were abolished in the 18th century. 
Moreover, the son who inherited the encomienda had to take 
care of his mother, brothers, and sisters with its bene- 

Thus, there was a situation in Chile in which the grant 
of Indians was sometimes confined to a specific area near 
which or within which the Spaniards constructed a haci- 
enda — therefore, creating the latifundia or hacienda 
system that was to dominate the late colonial epoch. A 
premium was placed on food production and the economics of 
producing cheap food — the hacienda was the answer. 

Of course, Santiago's position in this development was 
rather important not only because of the fertility of the 
area, but because of its central location between the 

198 . ■ 

civilization in Peru and the v/ars in the south „ Valdivia 
never intended for Santiago to become the capital of the 
colony because he was always looking for new territory to 
be conquered in the south. As it turned out, however, 
Santiago's agricultural production and the Spaniards' 
inability to conquer the Araucanians caused a change in 
plans. Santiago not only produced the food for the mili- 
tary campaign , but was also close enough to the action for 
most of the colonial governors. 

The most significant development in Santiago and in 
Chile, for that matter, was, of course, mestizaje. This 
point was touched on at length in the chapters on the 
Indians and the Spaniards. The immensity of the creation 
of the new society can be seen graphically, however, in one 
small example. It was always the propensity of the Spanish 
soldiers to appropriate Indian women for pleasure, as ser- 
vants., armor carriers, and general camp followers. VJhen a 
soldier went to the front, he most often took along a re- 
tinue of four to six Indian men and women. In one occupa- 
tion camp at the front where Spanish soldiers were stationed 
for over a year, seventy mestizos were born to the camp 
followers and local Indian women in one week.' 

The constant warfare prevented the large-scale immigra- 
tion of Spanish women, caused the death of thousands of 
Indian warriors, and completly disrupted Indian family life. 
As a consequence, a great imbalance was created in the popu- 
lation in which women (primarily Indian) outnumbered men by 

tile ratio of nine to/one,. ^ It is no wonder, therefore, that 
Cnile has become known as a country in many ways dominated 
by vromen. Certainly, the first encounters of Spanish men 
and Indian women were dominated by the conquerors. The 
women must have seen eventually, however, that their position 
and that of their children would be improved by a liaison 
or marriage with a Spaniard. There is every reason to 
believe, therefore, that later relationships were brought 
about to som.e degree by the traditional guiles of women. 

Finally, marriage was an im.portant factor in Chilean 
development and has continued to be an important institu- 
tion to this day. VTnAle many of the Spanish conquerors in 
Peru, Mexico, and the Caribbean area abandoned their Indian 
women when Spanish girls arrived on the scene, there is no 
such evxdence of this in Chile. In fact, the second mar- 
riage betw-een two Spaniards in Santiago did not occur until 
1543, when Alonso Escobar married Beatriz de Baleazar, som.e 
seven years after the city was founded. 9 The conquerors, 
for the most part, honored their relationship with the 
Indian women by either marrying them or legitimizing the 
offspring. This simply did not occur with the same regular- 
i by in the other colonies/ 

In conclusion, therefore, Chile was a unique experiment 
from the beginning. There was no gold to speak of, the 
Indians were hostile from the outset, there was a certain 
esprit de corps among the conquerors that led to mutual 
respect and spoils were divided equally. Finally, there was 

a lasting relationship created between the Spaniards and 
Indian women that would carry over into subsequent genera- 
tions. Although these mestizo children were subject to 
some of the rigid class and social structures prevalent in 
Spain and in the other colonies, there was a certain amount 
of social mobility. Certainly, during the first twenty 
five years of the colony, a man could achieve fame and posi- 
tion even if he had Indian blood. 

In summary, Chile's unique colonial development pro- 
duced subtle differences between Chileans and other Latin 
American colonists in the 16th century. I am always re- 
minded of the lines from Voltaire's Candide ; "What 
country can this be? It must be unknown to the world, 
because everything is so different from what we are used 




■'■Francisco Encina, reprinted in John Mander, The 
Unrevolutionary Society (New York, 1969), p. 209. 


Maguire Ibar, o£^. cit . , p. 11. 

•^Eberhardt, op_. cit . , p. 19 6. 

^Encina, Historia de Chile ^ Vol, 3, p. 49. 


Barros Arana, o£_. cit , , Vol. 1, p. 114. 

Doug las -Irvine, 0£. cit. , p. 480. Quoting from 
statistics from Thayer^ Ojeda. 


Enema, Hxstoria de Chile , Vol. 3, p. 37. 


°Maguire Ibar, ojd. cit . , p. 12. 

^Thayer Ojeda, Formacion de la sociedad chilena , 
Vol. 1, p. 74. 



j ■ . 

Alonso c-i Chin 

Frsriciico de A^lrr? . Pedra der He.-rcra ". Luis Tem-sro 

J-jcrt c!e Alrrsonacid Ant5n Hidilgo -Luis de Toledo. 

pcro Alv2r?3 . ■ J L:-n d-i ]?. Jligii^rs ^ Hernando de la Torre' 

Hodris.t) de Araj-a " - ' . Jrari.:a ds Ib^rrals . Antonio ds Uiioa 

. Francisco de Arten.^^ - ' P:;sci:ai - Franilsro d& Var.dU'.o 

■ Juan de Avclos Jofr£ . Jdar.; JuaTi Vaiisjite (nej^To) 
. Lop2 de- Aya.13. _ "Oriir; J-Ir.iens: Kf^nrando do Vallejo 

SentissG de Azocii •' Ju.-xri J'jfrS ^ Sobastiaa Vdjquaz -■ 

Juati 'Ssp.ilsT: Mon^^s ■ LoDD d? Linda ' ■ ' I-Iarccs Yeas . '! 

J'-art Bo' - Pri.~:i;:D 'ie Li'3.-^ Dli^^ c? Ye";:;!co 

■ JuaT; ds Bo'auoa "• Pedro do Lsor; JsrartiLT.o dd Vera - 
Juan de Cabrera Juan Lodo (priest) " Juan de Vera ■•'; " 
Alonso del Car.ipo. " - ' ' Barlcio-ii T-iirr-uj- ., ■_ ' Gispar da Vergara . 

• Ju=:nl.rartir: ds Cend-a.' Esrn-l STartr-iz ■•■.' Francisco da Viii.igL-a 

Jtrzn G3 Cartnona _ '. PeraM3rt-.1Pr.rri3 .' ■ Pedro C3 Vii'sgra 

■ Alonso Caro " Pedro d; Jlirarida ■' - Caspar de YiUarro^l 
L-UJ3 de Cartrr^cna ._"• ... Alar.r^o. de- Mor^ra^ ' Anto-iio Zapairj 

---Francisco Carretertj- • ■-■ " ■ iloren^ ■' "-' J^an Zurbino ■ , ..- 

Ar.torilo Carrii'o S^V»s.-.or de iton-arat' - • ■ ' ""'■-- 

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Pedro Cistercaj . AJvar Xd£^^ 

- AI0V130 da Cordoba. . D;^-o "N'dS-"' 
Jua-.-.^Crsspo - ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ . , F-ancisco Niider 
Gs.lirie! d^j In Crur: - ' . X,orar.=o JiOSss 
Jnnr. ds Cusvas Bustinoa y Tsrdn'^"d?.s-: de Castro 

Juan de Ouv3 

Ant;a:t:ariiarc3P.lver3 . Die~o d- Oro 

- Jcan^Nigrei* 

B2rioi[a;Ti4 Drdz 

Juan Orbb'Pizcr.rco 

Garcia Diaz de Castro 7r.,_K;„ j^ n-^=i 

ifatso Dies . ■ • j^^-. ^^.c—^-x 

Ai^tonio de 

Pedro DomiTi:^^ 

Pero- Estiiban del Mar:::ar.o ' J ijiis d=> I-' 


Jusn Femande-o de A.Idi-rets ^i^^ 

Aionso XT 

BsVtolo.-ns Florcs - - ■ Xilsiio Per^ 

Juaa da Funis" 

, Santia-a Pare 

rrar-.c:3ca ee Kaa-;ora 
.Juar. Paj-q'-::d-5 
Franaii-co d-e p.iber^j 
G^azalcJ d; io3 p;o3 

JuaTi Ho~»rr) " . 

Juan Galar . -.' Juan Pir^'I 

Francisco de - ". _ > Co^ Frar.cisiro Ponca ce L-jn 

Juan GaUe~3 de Pubias . ■ ; p.odri-o de Quiro-a 

Pedro ds Gatr-.bc-a .-..'" "^ ■ - "— .^. 

Ruy Garcia . . ; '- ' ' 

Dicso d-e Cdcercs ; - - 

G&rard-3 Gi': ■ ' ' - 

Juan Codiaea ' " 

Juan G5r-ea d-j A'majrG 

Vc'ii-o Comea de Iz^ i-Iar-.tafiai 

Jiiar; Correa de Yrbeaes 

jj-'p, ,K--.i ;--._;■> u^J-rii-'Z r-'^ii-.-'-.c 

Juan C'>a:"erre:: 
Carairi ile,,-r>aaj-?a 
Franciic-n ;ierr!.-' Galie'To 
Juan di- K';rr.;ra 



d-o S 



zj-^y ■ 




b - '• : 

\ t /_ 


-^ r:;-3 


Z"- fX 


a^To S 


-'U d-o 1 


:ro Sa 


ds Ho 


:>r. ?d:i 


£3 So"i 


=3 Su 







2 3 


I 1^3 i Z03 

1 rnul.ilo? 

Francifco cic A;;uirrc . 
JcroLiiiuo cic Ajdcrctc. 
Juan dc Almonncid . . . 

Pcro Aiori;>o 

]\o('rigo tie .-Va}'! .... 
Franci.=co dc Artsaga... 

Lope dc Aynla 

Snntiaso de Ajicca 

j-^un iioiion 

Juan Cabrcrn. 

jMartm dc Candia 

Jiic'.n dc Cannona 

Alv^nso C';i.-o 

I.'.ii.'; dc Carta.5:cua 

Fco. G'.rrctcro 

DicjQ dc C<f.=ipedcs .... 
Pedro de .... 
i\ dc Curdob.T .... 

J'.iaii Crcspo 

Galirlel dcla Cruz 

Juan dc Cucvas ....... 

Juan dc Ch.'ivcz , . 

Aloaso dc ChinchilU. . . 
Juan DSva!o3.. 

C^arc; D!;;7,dj; Castro . . 
Tero E.'^tc'oan dci M, ... 
Jiian Fcicz. cic A!(JcrcuC 
.Bartoloiiiij rlo.-e.i 

Juan dc Fuiies 

Juan Gala7. 

'•'ranci.'^co Ca!dauif;5. . 
Jua.T Gallc;^;o5 dc U.. . 
I'cdro dc Ganihoa ... . 
D c.:;o Garcfa de Caccr 

Girair'o Gil ■ 

Juaii Godi'ncz 

Juan Gl'P.'.c/. dc ;\'.,-a. . 
"cdro Gilii-.c-z dc Doa ' 
Pedro G6:'.!ez dc !as M 
Juan Guir.c;: dc Y. .. . 

Jiian Conzalc.- 

Garci llcruaucicx .... 
Francisco Hcrnar.dc-z ( 

Pctiro dc llcrrcra 
A.Tionio 1 Jddal^^o. 

Juan jiniL-nci . . . , 
Juan Jufri' '. . . 

















Scjun dccIaracioiiCi 

Sc suponc cspaaolcs, crar. 

be presume n'.adre c?panola 

Se presume mestizo 

Sc presume madre c?panola 

co;\ }i sa.igre india, Crespo 
era mestizo 

Cu.artcr6n, niadre iiii:l.;ti. 
lecttinio ■ 

xgitinios dc sangro nob'.c. 

2 dc india peruana y 1 c'.ii- 
kua 50 % alcmin-indio. 


2 nicst. dc niorlscay 2 dc ir.d. 

dc india pcruaua 
de India nicjicana 
de india pcruar:a 

niadrcracst. Ifijos X ^' Ir^d. 
ill parccer lcgCtir;io 

3 dc X sang., riadrc mestiza 

y das ~e5tizo5. 
probables ncsLlzos 


Lope dc Lar.tia 

Frnncisco (!<: Lcin 

Pedro' de Leon 

Juan Lopcr 

l*cdro Martin Parras .. , 

r.crnal Mar'inc/. 

Anton M;irtin Moreno . 

Pedro do Miranda 

IJartolonit^ Mufiox 

Juar. No.^rctc ....... . . . 

AU-ar NufiC;: 

Dj'cijo N'uricz dc CpiStro. 
Ji'.an Xuficx de Castro. 

Juan (ic OIi\'a 

Dlc^a de Oro 

Juan Orti?. Pacbcco 

AntonFo dc Pastrana . . . 

A!on:?o Pdrez 

Francisco Pijrcs , 

Santiago PiircT 

Juan Pinel 

Fco. Ponce de Leon . . . . 
Rodriijo de Quiroga — 

Jiian. Rasqnido 

Francisco de Ribcros .. . 

Gor.zalo dc Ics Rios . . . . 
Fco. Ro'.Irii^nc/: dc H.. . 

Gabriel dc Salazar 

Alo'A^u S;;Iri;cro 

Alonso S'i.nchc2 

Dic^jo Sanclicir 

Pcro Sanclio de lloz . .' 
Ag'.i^tia dc la Scrna .. . 
Antonio Taraijaiano ... 

Luis Tcrnero 

Luis de Toledo 

Antonio dc Ulloa . . . . 

Juan V;i]ici!tc 

l-'criiando Vallcjo 

Sebastian V;i?;qi;ez .. . 

Marcos \'cas 

Die'^o dc \'c!a?co 

Juan dc Vera 

jeronijno dc Vera 

Caspar dc Vcrf^ara.. . . 
Francisco de \'iila:jra. 

Caspar do \'iJ'iarrocL . 
Juan, de Zurbano 





y^ saagre, nriad;'e racstii 

Probables lucstiios y cl pa- 
dre tambl^'n. 

Probablemtntc cspanol. 

9 legft. y 2 a! parecer natura- 
les, perodemadree.<;pai;Oia. 

presuntos n:est!Z05, 
do distinguida calidad. 

ntadrc mc.-t. X sang. India; 
■ lcgi;imo5, 

ncCTOS o }^ de nec:ro. 

al parecer rncstizos. 
Uno Icgitimo y ."^ haturaici c!e 
madrccspanoia y 1 m'^itizo 


S.?\MTI?iGO 1541 

j^ *— ~, " - -■ • ■ 

-i -o~-~--;-ii'"-'-vf-.v/^-o -..->■- ■,.':.'^, -JJ 
_j ?^ r:~-j^-,;'^-r\-->~:<--ji-< -.^.'-i r-' -k^ . 

t-£ 1 ! ° 


J 1 . 







w-S « c f>. - ■ 

l_ 'o -n 1^ i_^ ■< 
2 I c .—.0 

-- u c I 0-3 

Jtiapuua sr op di^co 

2 06 

lihJJ-l -i-r-i'-l IT^^.-I i-J.-^Ti 




■■■ -1- ■ 


""" . . - ■ " - - . ■^ ■ ■ . 

- -• . UbiiAiiiL lL OiaLu.Avl .•,"•..:■- ■■ 

Con indicaciones para -el estiidid "da ia, 
.' ■; ' coQstitucion de la prcpiedad, ■..;;:;-•: 


2 07 


A rchi val Catalogues 

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Archival Collections 

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A 1 e.iTLp arte, Julio, L a regulacion econoiaica en C h i 1 e 
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Amunatecux. Solar , Doirdngo , Un soldacio cie la conguista 

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Thomas Ciiapin Braman was bom on Deceinber 20, 19 39, 
at Princeton, New Jersey. In June, 19 63, he received the 
degree of Bachelor of Arts from Franklin and Marshall 
College. He received a Master of Arts degree from the 
University of Florida in August, 196 4. Since then, he 
has worked as an intelligence cinalyst for the Central 
Intelligence Agency in Washington, D.C. 


I certify t±iat I have read this study and that in my 
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly 
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, 
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 

U - Ud e- (iP, TJkK 

Lyle/ N. McAlister, Chairman 
Professor of History 

I certify that I have read this study and that in my 
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly 
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, 
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 

A . L . Funk 

Professor of History 

I certify that I have read this study and that in my 
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly 
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, 
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 

.A. ''Suarez- 

g.rofessor of History 

I certify that I have read this study and that in my 
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly 
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, 
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 

C . Jl,y Sommervi 1 le 
Professor of History 

I certify that I have read this study and that in my 
opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly'' 
presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, 
as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 

N.J}4. Wilensky 
Professor of History 

This dissertation was submitted to tlie Graduate 
Faculty of the Department of History in the College of 
Arts and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and was 
accepted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for 
the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 

June, 19 75 

Dean, Graduate School